We, the Leaders of the Group of Seven (G7), gathered in Apulia to reaffirm our enduring unity and determination to meet global challenges at a crucial moment in history and as the international community confronts multiple interconnected crises.
We reiterate our shared belief in democratic principles and free societies, universal human rights, social progress, and respect for multilateralism and the rule of law. We commit to providing opportunities and pursuing shared prosperity. We seek to strengthen international rules and norms for the benefit of all.
Our work is grounded in our commitment to respect the UN Charter, safeguard international peace and security, and uphold the free and open rules-based international order. We will support more effective, inclusive and equitable global governance that reflects our changing world. We reaffirm our commitment to uphold human dignity and the rule of law in all parts of the world.
We are working together and with others to address the pressing challenges of our time. We are:
standing in solidarity to support Ukraine’s fight for freedom and its reconstruction for as long as it takes. In the presence of President Zelenskyy, we decided to make available approximately USD 50 billion leveraging the extraordinary revenues of the immobilized Russian sovereign assets, sending an unmistakable signal to President Putin. We are stepping up our collective efforts to disarm and defund Russia’s military industrial complex.
united in supporting the comprehensive deal that has been put forward that would lead to an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, the release of all hostages, and a credible pathway towards peace that leads to a two-State solution. We also call for a significant and sustained increase in humanitarian assistance.
engaging with African countries, in a spirit of equitable and strategic partnership. As they work to deliver sustainable development and industrial growth for their people, we are advancing our respective efforts to invest in sustainable infrastructure, including through the PGII, and we launched the Energy for Growth in Africa initiative, together with several African partners.
acting to enable countries to invest in their future and achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), recognizing that reducing poverty and tackling global challenges go hand in hand. We are doing our part to achieve better, bigger and more effective Multilateral Development Banks, making it possible for the World Bank to boost its lending by USD 70 billion over the next ten years. We are calling for action from the international community to address debt burdens.
reinforcing global food security and enhancing climate resilience, including by launching the Apulia Food Systems Initiative.
reaffirming our commitment to gender equality. Together with International Financial Institutions, we will unlock at least USD 20 billion over three years in investments to boost women’s empowerment.
taking concrete steps to address the triple crisis of climate change, pollution, and biodiversity loss, including by submitting ambitious 1.5°C aligned Nationally Determined Contributions. We will spearhead global efforts to preserve forests and oceans, and to end plastic pollution.
affirming our collective commitment and enhanced cooperation to address migration, tackle the challenges and seize the opportunities that it presents, in partnership with countries of origin and transit. We will focus on the root causes of irregular migration, efforts to enhance border management and curb transnational organized crime, and safe and regular pathways for migration. We launched the G7 Coalition to prevent and counter the smuggling of migrants.
deepening our cooperation to harness the benefits and manage the risks of Artificial Intelligence. We will launch an action plan on the use of AI in the world of work and develop a brand to support the implementation of the International Code of Conduct for Organizations Developing Advanced AI Systems.
fostering strong and inclusive global economic growth, maintaining financial stability and investing in our economies to promote jobs and accelerate digital and clean energy transitions. We also remain committed to strengthening the rules-based multilateral trading system and to implementing a more stable and fairer international tax system fit for the 21st century.
acting together to promote economic resilience, confront non-market policies and practices that undermine the level playing field and our economic security, and strengthen our coordination to address global overcapacity challenges.
In taking forward all these priorities, our partnership in the G7 will continue to be guided by our joint commitment to cooperate openly and transparently in a coordinated manner.
We are grateful for the presence of His Holiness Pope Francis and for his contribution.
In a spirit of shared responsibility, we warmly welcome the participation of the Leaders of Algeria, Argentina, Brazil, India, Jordan, Kenya, Mauritania, Tunisia, Türkiye, and the United Arab Emirates.
Steadfast support to Ukraine
We reaffirm our unwavering support for Ukraine for as long as it takes. Together with international partners, we are determined to continue to provide military, budget, humanitarian, and reconstruction support to Ukraine and its people. We remain strongly committed to helping Ukraine meet its urgent short-term financing needs, as well as supporting its long-term recovery and reconstruction priorities.
Russia must end its illegal war of aggression and pay for the damage it has caused to Ukraine. These damages now exceed USD 486 billion, according to the World Bank. It is not right for Russia to decide if or when it will pay for the damage it has caused in Ukraine. Russia’s obligations under international law to pay for the damage it is causing are clear, and so we are continuing to consider all possible lawful avenues by which Russia is made to meet those obligations.
We remain determined to dispel any false notion that time is on Russia’s side, that destroying infrastructure and livelihoods has no consequences for Russia, or that Russia can prevail by causing Ukraine to fail economically. With a view to supporting Ukraine’s current and future needs in the face of a prolonged defense against Russia, the G7 will launch “Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) Loans for Ukraine”, in order to make available approximately USD 50 billion in additional funding to Ukraine by the end of the year.
Therefore, without prejudice to possible other contributions and standing together, the G7 intends to provide financing that will be serviced and repaid by future flows of extraordinary revenues stemming from the immobilization of Russian Sovereign Assets held in the European Union and other relevant jurisdictions. To enable this, we will work to obtain approval in these jurisdictions to use future flows of these extraordinary revenues to service and repay the loans. We confirm that, consistent with all applicable laws and our respective legal systems, Russia’s sovereign assets in our jurisdictions will remain immobilized until Russia ends its aggression and pays for the damage it has caused to Ukraine. We will maintain solidarity in our commitment to providing this support to Ukraine.
We intend to disburse this financing through multiple channels that direct the funds to Ukraine’s military, budget, and reconstruction needs – within the constraints of our respective legal systems and administrative requirements. As it relates to reconstruction, we will also strengthen the Ukraine Multi-Donor Coordination Platform to help coordinate the disbursal of funds and ensure they align with Ukraine’s highest priority needs at a pace it can effectively absorb. This will play a key role in advancing Ukraine’s reforms in line with its European path.
In light of the above, we task our relevant Ministers and officials to operationalize these commitments in time for ERA to begin disbursing before year-end.
As we reiterated in our Statement on Ukraine in February, Ukraine is defending its freedom, sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity, against Russia’s brutal and unjustifiable war of aggression. We continue to condemn in the strongest possible terms Russia’s blatant breach of international law, including the UN Charter and of basic principles that underpin the international order. Any use of nuclear weapons by Russia in the context of its war of aggression against Ukraine would be inadmissible. We therefore condemn in the strongest possible terms Russia’s irresponsible and threatening nuclear rhetoric as well as its posture of strategic intimidation, including its announced deployment of nuclear weapons in Belarus. We remain committed to holding those responsible accountable for their atrocities against the people of Ukraine, in line with international law. We also condemn the seizures of foreign companies and call on Russia to reverse these measures and seek acceptable solutions with the companies targeted by them.
We support Ukraine’s right of self-defense and reiterate our commitment to Ukraine’s long-term security, including by implementing bilateral security commitments and arrangements based on the Joint Declaration endorsed in Vilnius last July. We are increasing our production and delivery capabilities to assist its self-defense. We also support efforts to assist Ukraine modernizing its armed forces and strengthening its own defense industry. We express our resolve to bolster Ukraine’s air defense capabilities to save lives and protect critical infrastructure.
We are committed to raising the costs of Russia’s war by building on the comprehensive package of sanctions and economic measures already in place. Though our measures have had a significant impact on Russia’s ability to build its war machine and to fund its invasion, its military is still posing a threat not just to Ukraine but also to international security.
We will continue taking measures against actors in China and third countries that materially support Russia’s war machine, including financial institutions, consistent with our legal systems, and other entities in China that facilitate Russia’s acquisition of items for its defense industrial base.
In this context, we reiterate that entities, including financial institutions, that facilitate Russia’s acquisition of items or equipment for its defense industrial base are supporting actions that undermine the territorial integrity, sovereignty, and independence of Ukraine. Accordingly, we will impose restrictive measures consistent with our legal systems to prevent abuse and restrict access to our financial systems for targeted individuals and entities in third countries, including Chinese entities, that engage in this activity. We will take robust action against actors who aid Russia in circumventing our sanctions, including by imposing severe costs on all those who fail to immediately cease providing material support to Russia’s aggression and by strengthening domestic enforcement and stepping up our business engagement to promote corporate responsibility. We call on financial institutions to refrain from supporting and profiting from Russia’s war machine. We will take further steps to deter and disrupt this behaviour.
We will continue to apply significant pressure on Russian revenues from energy and other commodities. This will include improving the efficacy of the oil price cap policy by taking further steps to tighten compliance and enforcement, while working to maintain market stability. We will take steps, including sanctions and innovative enforcement activities leveraging respective geographies, to combat Russia’s use of deceptive alternative shipping practices to circumvent our sanctions by way of its shadow fleet. We call on industry actors facilitating this activity to consider the financial liability and environmental and reputational damage risks associated with these practices. We will impose additional sanctions measures on those engaged in deceptive practices while transporting Russian oil and against the networks Russia has developed to extract additional revenue from price cap violations or from oil sales using alternative service providers. We will continue taking further steps to limit Russia’s future energy revenues by impeding development of future energy projects and disrupting access to the goods and services on which those projects rely. We will continue our efforts to reduce Russia’s revenues from metals.
Ukraine’s reconstruction remains a key priority, including early recovery measures and addressing the current energy emergency caused by Russia’s increased targeting of Ukraine’s energy infrastructure. We re-emphasize our strong support for Ukraine’s energy security, including by coordinating international assistance through the G7+ Ukraine Energy Coordination Group. We will continue to work with the Ukrainian authorities and International Financial Institutions through the Multi-agency Donor Coordination Platform, and by mobilizing private investments and fostering participation of civil society.
We highlight the reality of 3.4 million internally displaced Ukrainians and the importance of inclusive recovery and the need to address the needs of women, children and persons with disabilities as well as other population groups who have been disproportionately affected by Russia’s war of aggression. The reintegration of combatants and civilians with disabilities in society remains a priority. We call on Russia to release all persons it has unlawfully detained and to safely return all civilians it has illegally transferred or deported, starting with children.
We reiterate our support for Ukraine’s agriculture sector, which is critical for global food supply, particularly for the most vulnerable nations. We therefore call for unimpeded deliveries of grain, foodstuffs, fertilizers and inputs from Ukraine across the Black Sea and recall the importance of the EU Solidarity Lanes and President Zelenskyy’s Grain from Ukraine initiative.
We are also working to involve our private sectors in the sustainable economic recovery of Ukraine. We welcome and underscore the significance of Ukraine itself continuing to implement domestic reform efforts, especially in the fields of anti-corruption, justice system reform, decentralization, and promotion of the rule of law. We will continue to support efforts of the Ukrainian government and people in these endeavors. We will build on the Japan-Ukraine Conference for Promotion of Economic Growth and Reconstruction held in Tokyo on 19 February and the Ukraine Recovery Conference held on 11-12 June in Berlin and we look forward to the next Ukraine Recovery Conference in Rome in 2025.
We welcome the Summit on Peace in Ukraine planned in Switzerland on 15-16 June to build a framework for peace based on international law, the UN Charter and its principles, with respect for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We will continue to work to achieve the widest possible international support for the key principles and objectives of President Zelenskyy’s Peace Formula.
Our ultimate goal remains a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in line with international law and the UN Charter and its principles and respect for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We will continue to stand by Ukraine for as long as it takes.
Conflict in Gaza
We reiterate our strongest condemnation of the brutal terrorist attacks conducted by Hamas and other terrorist groups against Israel on 7 October 2023. We express our full solidarity and support to Israel and its people and reaffirm our unwavering commitment towards its security. In exercising its right to defend itself, Israel must fully comply with its obligations under international law in all circumstances, including international humanitarian law. We condemn Hamas for its continuing use of civilian infrastructure for its military activities and failure to separate and distinguish itself from civilians in Gaza. We deplore all losses of civilian lives equally, and note with great concern the unacceptable number of civilian casualties especially women and children. We call on all parties to take every feasible step to protect civilian lives.
We fully endorse and will stand behind the comprehensive deal outlined by President Biden that would lead to an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, the release of all hostages, a significant and sustained increase in the flow of humanitarian assistance throughout Gaza, and an enduring end to the crisis, with Israel’s security interests and safety for Palestinian civilians in Gaza assured. In this regard, we welcome UNSC Resolution S/RES/2735 (2024). We reiterate our call on Hamas to fully and unequivocally accept and implement the cease fire proposal, as outlined in Resolution 2735, and urge countries with influence over Hamas to help ensure that it does so. We welcome Israel’s acceptance of the proposal and readiness to move forward with it.
We urge all parties to facilitate rapid and unimpeded passage of humanitarian relief for civilians in need, in particular women and children. Securing full, rapid, safe, and unhindered humanitarian access in all its forms, consistent with international humanitarian law, and through all relevant land crossing points, including the Rafah crossing, through maritime delivery routes, including through Ashdod Port, and throughout all of Gaza remains an absolute priority. We agree it is critical that UNRWA and other UN organizations and agencies’ distribution networks be fully able to deliver aid to those who need it most, fulfilling their mandate effectively.
We are deeply concerned by the consequences on the civilian population of the ongoing ground operations in Rafah, and the possibility of a full-scale military offensive that would have further dire consequences for civilians. We call on the Government of Israel to refrain from such an offensive.
We welcome the appointment of the new Palestinian Authority cabinet and remain ready to support the Palestinian Authority as it undertakes the reforms that are indispensable to enable it to discharge its responsibilities in the West Bank and, in the aftermath of the conflict, in Gaza. Actions that weaken the Palestinian Authority must stop, including the withholding of clearance revenues by the Israeli Government. Maintaining economic stability in the West Bank is critical for regional security. We call on Israel to take the necessary measures to ensure that correspondent banking services between Israeli and Palestinian banks remain in place, so that vital financial transactions and critical trade in services continue; to release withheld clearance revenues to the Palestinian authority, in view of its urgent fiscal needs; and to remove or relax other measures to avoid further exacerbating the economic situation in the West Bank.
We reiterate our unwavering commitment to the vision of the two-state solution where two democratic States, Israel and Palestine, live side by side in peace within secure and recognized borders, consistent with international law and relevant UN resolutions, and in this regard stress the importance of unifying the Gaza strip with the West Bank under the Palestinian Authority. We note that mutual recognition, to include the recognition of a Palestinian state, at the appropriate time, would be a crucial component of that political process.
We affirm our commitment to working together – and with other international partners – to closely coordinate and institutionalize our support for civil society peacebuilding efforts, ensuring that they are part of a larger strategy to build the foundation necessary for a negotiated and lasting Israeli-Palestinian peace.
All parties must refrain from any unilateral actions that undermine the prospect of a two-state solution, including Israeli expansion of settlements and the “legalization” of settlement outposts. We condemn the rise in extremist settler violence committed against Palestinians, which undermines security and stability in the West Bank, and threatens prospects for a lasting peace. We encourage support for the Palestinian Authority Security Services to make sure the West Bank remains stable and conducive to the ultimate establishment of a Palestinian state.
We are deeply engaged – along with partners in the region – in preventing the conflict from escalating further. We reiterate our firm condemnation of Iran’s attack against Israel of 13-14 April, which marked an unacceptable escalation, and we reaffirm our commitment towards Israel security. We call on all parties to lower tensions and contribute in a constructive way to de-escalation.
We are particularly concerned by the situation along the Blue Line. We recognize the essential stabilizing role played by the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in mitigating that risk. We urge all involved actors to exercise restraint to avoid further escalation, consistent with UNSCR 1701.
Freedom of Navigation in the Red Sea
We condemn the ongoing attacks perpetrated by the Houthis against international and commercial vessels transiting through the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. These illegal attacks must end. We call for the immediate release by the Houthis of the Galaxy Leader and its crew. We reiterate the right of countries to defend their vessels, in line with UNSCR 2722 and in accordance with international law.
The EU maritime operation “Aspides” and the U.S.-led operation “Prosperity Guardian” play an essential role to protect crucial shipping lanes that are fundamental for global trade. Maritime security and navigational rights and freedoms are critical to ensuring free movement of essential commodities to destinations and populations all over the world. This includes delivery of life-saving humanitarian assistance to more than half the population of Yemen.
The continuing Houthi attacks in the Red Sea risk destabilizing the region, stopping freedom of navigation and trade flows and endangering the UN-led roadmap towards peace in Yemen. We call on the Houthis to comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law and cease their attacks in the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden and surrounding waters. We further call on Yemeni parties to continue their positive efforts in furtherance of the understanding reached in December 2023, under UN auspices, regarding the peace process.
Iran
Iran must cease its destabilizing actions.
We reiterate our determination that it must never develop or acquire a nuclear weapon. We urge Tehran to cease and reverse nuclear escalations, and stop the continuing uranium enrichment activities that have no credible civilian justifications. Iran must engage in serious dialogue and provide convincing assurances that its nuclear program is exclusively peaceful, in full cooperation and compliance with the IAEA’s monitoring and verification mechanism, including the Board of Governors’ resolution of 5 June. We support IAEA’s monitoring and verification role regarding Iran’s nuclear-related obligation and commitments and express strong concern about Iran’s current lack of cooperation with the Agency.
We call on Iran to stop assisting Russia’s war in Ukraine and not to transfer ballistic missiles and related technology, as this would represent a substantive material escalation and a direct threat to European security. We are prepared to respond in a swift and coordinated manner, including with new and significant measures.
We demand that Iran cease its malicious activities and destabilizing actions in the Middle East and we stand ready to adopt further sanctions or take other measures in response to further destabilizing initiatives. We continue to call for the immediate release of the MSC Aries, its remaining crew and cargo.
We reiterate our deep concern over Iran’s human rights violations, especially against women, girls and minority groups. We call on Iran’s leadership to end all unjust and arbitrary detentions, including of dual and foreign citizens, and condemn the unacceptable harassment of its citizens.
Fostering partnerships with African countries
We are committed to stepping up our support to African countries in their efforts to achieve sustainable development and local value creation, strengthen democratic governance, contribute to global stability and prosperity, and protect the rule-based international order. In doing so, we remain focused on equitable partnerships rooted in shared principles, democratic values, local ownership, and concrete initiatives. We will align our efforts with the African Union Agenda 2063 and African countries’ needs and priorities, including the integrated African continental plans for improved local and regional food security, infrastructure, trade and agricultural productivity. We will also support the operationalization of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCTA) which will be an essential parameter of African growth in the coming decade.
We will reinforce mutually beneficial and equitable cooperation with African countries and regional organizations. While assuring African countries our continued financial support, we will enhance the coordination and effectiveness of G7 cooperation resources; support better mobilization and management of local domestic resources; and promote increased private investment. We endorse African countries’ call for greater voice in international bodies and welcome the AU’s participation in the G20 as a permanent member, and the creation of a third Chair for sub-Saharan Africa at the IMF Executive Board in November. We reiterate our support for the G20 Compact with Africa, as a tool to increase private sector investments, promote structural reforms, and local entrepreneurship support, and enhance cooperation, including in the energy sector. The G7 Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII) including initiatives such as the EU Global Gateway offer a framework, we will use to promote our vision of sustainable, resilient, and economically viable infrastructure in Africa, underpinned by transparent project selection, procurement, and finance. In that respect, we welcome the Mattei Plan for Africa launched by Italy.
Acknowledging that sustainable development and democracy are mutually reinforcing, we reiterate our commitment to supporting African governments in advancing democratic governance and human rights, as we address conditions conducive to terrorism, violent extremism, and instability. In this respect, we are concerned about the activities of the Kremlin-backed Wagner Group’s and other emerging Russia-backed forces, which are having a destabilizing impact. We call for accountability of all those responsible for human rights violations and abuses.
Countries should not be forced to choose between fighting against poverty and protecting the planet or addressing global challenges, nor between repaying creditors and making further investments in development. We are committed to evolve the international financial architecture to make it fit for the challenges of today’s world. We support the ambition of partnerships such as the G20 Compact with Africa and the Paris Pact for People and Planet (4P), which work to foster collaboration between key global stakeholders to deliver additional financing for development, climate, and nature and fostering private sector investment. As outlined in the Nairobi-Washington Vision, we call on the international community to step up sustainable and transparent financing for developing countries willing to commit to ambitious reforms and investment plans, while emphasizing the importance of domestic resource mobilization. This includes working with other stakeholders to deliver coordinated international financial institution support packages, utilize tools to facilitate private finance on better terms and unlock private investments, and activate creditor coordination and private sector participation when needed so as to ensure multilateral support is being used in the best interest of developing countries. We will work with the IMF, the World Bank, and other key parties to bring this plan forward, with a view to realize it for pilot countries by the end of 2024.
Sustainable Development, Food Security and PGII
We reaffirm our steadfast commitment towards the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and we will redouble our efforts to accelerate progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), restated at the 2023 SDG Summit, to ensure nobody is left behind. With our partners, we will work on concrete and ambitious actions to achieve long-term sustainable development, strong, environmental social and governance standards, and shared prosperity worldwide.
Noting that we have already exceeded our joint commitment of USD 14 billion to global food security, announced in Elmau in 2022, we remain steadfast in addressing the escalating global food security and nutrition crisis, aggravated by Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine.
We are launching the G7 Apulia Food Systems Initiative (AFSI) to intensify our efforts to overcome structural barriers to food security and nutrition and to build resilient sustainable and productive agriculture and food systems, and to ensure that all people can progressively realize the right to adequate food. This includes enhancing sustainability and productivity of local, regional, and global supply chains and addressing discriminatory rules and norms that affect gender equality. This initiative will leverage multi-stakeholder partnerships to advance ambitious programs on the ground and harness the full potential of food systems.
Noting global food supply disruptions due to climate change and that the Paris Agreement can only be reached by transforming food systems, we will support synergetic and coherent policies and investments to address the climate-food systems nexus, particularly in low-income countries. We will contribute to these efforts globally, with a special attention to implementing and aligning with the African continental plans by supporting the following multi-stakeholder programs developed with the African Union and other global partners: i) the Technical Cooperation Collaborative to implement the “COP28 UAE Declaration on sustainable agriculture, resilient food systems, and climate action” and enhance access to quality technical cooperation for the integration of food systems and climate plans in low-income and climate vulnerable countries; ii) the Vision for Adapted Crops and Soils for the restoration and maintenance of healthy soils and the further development and climate resilience of traditional and indigenous crops in Africa, recalling the importance of Africa Fertilizer and Soil Health Summit 2024; iii) a G7 private-public initiative on coffee aimed to further advance policy, sustained investments, research and innovation, partnerships, blended finance to boost the resilience, environmental sustainability, value addition and circularity of the coffee value chains worldwide and to support smallholders and family farmers in producing countries, including examining the feasibility of the establishment of a global private-public fund on coffee.
Given childhood stunting and wasting caused by malnutrition can have lifelong physical, psychological, and social effects that threaten sustainable development, we commit to support treatment and prevention to address this challenge. We will foster multi-stakeholder engagement and innovation, including with multilaterals, the private sector and philanthropies, and welcome in particular the 2025 Paris Nutrition for Growth Summit.
We will also promote innovative solutions to increase the quantity and quality of public and private funding for food security and food systems in low-income countries. We will: i) work together to improve the fiscal space for food security in line with continued efforts to improve the international financial architecture, including further analysis of the potential of debt swaps, ii) building on existing cooperation, initiate a collaborative of G7 public development banks and DFIs to enhance co-investment and risk-mitigation for sustainable agriculture and food systems transformation; iii) support the design and development of a Financing for Shock-Driven Food Crisis Facility to provide rapid-response financing in anticipation of severe food crises, also involving private capital from global insurance markets.
Accordingly, we task our Development Ministers to further articulate the AFSI commitments and actions, ahead of their Meeting in October, in synergy with Ministers of Finance, Agriculture and Environment noting in particular the Initiative on Strengthening Seed Certification Capacity in Africa and the Africampus program to bridge educational gaps for African farmers and entrepreneurs, under joint development by the Ministers of Agriculture and international partners.
We also highlight synergies between AFSI, the Global Alliance for Food Security, and the Global Alliance against Hunger and Poverty under development within the G20, which the ambitions of we fully support.
We also continue to support coordinated action with and among the UN Rome Based Agencies and the wider UN system, Multilateral Development Banks and other relevant organizations, including the African Union.
With a view to addressing global food insecurity and malnutrition, we also acknowledge the importance of supporting fertilizer value chains including local fertilizer production in line with WTO rules and through supporting the use of local sources of energy in consistency with a 1.5°C warming limit and the goals of the Paris Agreement.
We reaffirm our commitment to mobilize up to USD 600 billion through the PGII by 2027 towards sustainable, inclusive, resilient, and quality infrastructure and investments with partner countries, with a particular focus on Africa and on the Indo-Pacific. We reaffirm the Carbis Bay commitment for our DFIs and multilateral partners to invest at least USD 80 billion into the private sector in Africa, and we recognize the importance of directing more investment to poorer and more fragile countries across the continent.
We will enhance this Partnership by: i) raising the profile of the PGII initiative throughout the G7 platform with the strong coordination and involvement of all its G7 tracks and establishing a secretariat for effective implementation and investment coordination with partners; ii) supporting the launch of the African Virtual Investment Platform, in collaboration with the African Union and OECD, to enhance information sharing, transparency, and public policies on investment in Africa; iii) working together with our DFIs, MDBs, and private sector to improve green investments in Africa as part of our PGII commitment. In this respect, we will progressively enhance country-based investment coordination, including through platforms such as the Alliance for Green Infrastructure in Africa.
We commit to implement these key pillars, as we are stepping up our efforts to attract private investments at scale, improving the enabling environments, maximizing the role of MDBs and DFIs, enhancing co-financing, advancing high standards for quality infrastructure, including through certification schemes such as the Blue Dot Network and the FAST-INFRA Initiative and further developing a pipeline of bankable projects. We also call on all actors to adhere to international rules, standards, and principles, including the G20 Principles for Quality Infrastructure Investments.
We will further promote concrete G7 PGII initiatives, flagship projects, and complementary initiatives to develop transformative economic corridors for quality infrastructure and investment, such as the deepening of our coordination and financing for the Lobito Corridor, the Luzon Corridor, the Middle Corridor, and the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor, also building on the EU Global Gateway, the Great Green Wall Initiative, and the Mattei Plan for Africa launched by Italy.
Indo-Pacific
We reiterate our commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific, based on the rule of law, which is inclusive, prosperous, and secure, grounded on sovereignty, territorial integrity, peaceful resolution of disputes, fundamental freedoms, and human rights. Peace and stability in the region are key to promoting global prosperity, and developments there can directly affect global security. We reaffirm our unwavering support for ASEAN centrality and unity and our commitment to promoting cooperation in line with the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific. We also affirm our intention to work to support Pacific Island Countries’ priorities as articulated through the 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent.
We seek constructive and stable relations with China and recognize the importance of direct and candid engagement to express concerns and manage differences. We act in our national interest. Given China’s role in the international community, cooperation is necessary to address global challenges, and we continue to engage in areas of common interest. We call on China to step up efforts to promote international peace and security, and to work with us to tackle the climate, biodiversity, and pollution crises, combat illicit synthetic drug trafficking, ensure global macroeconomic stability, support global health security, and address vulnerable countries’ debt sustainability and financing needs.
We recognize the importance of China in global trade. We are committed to advancing free and fair trade, a level playing field, and balanced economic relations, while updating and strengthening the multilateral rule-based trading system with the WTO at its core. We are not trying to harm China or thwart its economic development, indeed a growing China that plays by international rules and norms would be of global interest. However, we express our concerns about China’s persistent industrial targeting and comprehensive non-market policies and practices that are leading to global spillovers, market distortions and harmful overcapacity in a growing range of sectors, undermining our workers, industries, and economic resilience and security. We are not decoupling or turning inwards. We are de-risking and diversifying supply chains where necessary and appropriate, and fostering resilience to economic coercion. We further call on China to refrain from adopting export control measures, particularly on critical minerals, that could lead to significant global supply chain disruptions.
With these concerns in mind, together with partners, we will invest in building our and their respective industrial capacities, promote diversified and resilient supply chains, and reduce critical dependencies and vulnerabilities. We will strengthen diplomatic efforts and international cooperation, including in the WTO, to encourage fair practices and build resilience to economic coercion. We will continue to take actions, as necessary and appropriate, to protect our workers and businesses from unfair practices, to level the playing field and remedy ongoing harm.
We call on China to uphold its commitment to act responsibly in cyberspace. We will continue our efforts to disrupt and deter persistent, malicious cyber activity stemming from China, which threatens our citizens’ safety and privacy, undermines innovation, and puts our critical infrastructure at risk. We recognize the necessity of protecting certain advanced technologies that can be used to threaten our national security, without unduly limiting trade and investment.
We reaffirm that maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait is indispensable to international security and prosperity. We support Taiwan’s meaningful participation in international organizations, including in the World Health Assembly and WHO technical meetings, as a member where statehood is not a prerequisite and as an observer or guest where it is. There is no change in the basic positions of the G7 members on Taiwan, including stated one China policies. We call for a peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues.
We remain seriously concerned about the situation in the East and South China Seas and reiterate our strong opposition to any unilateral attempt to change the status quo by force or coercion. We continue opposing China’s dangerous use of coast guard and maritime militia in the South China Sea and its repeated obstruction of countries’ high seas freedom of navigation. We express serious concern about the increasing use of dangerous maneuvers and water cannons against Philippine vessels. In this regard, we reaffirm that there is no legal basis for China’s expansive maritime claims in the South China Sea, and we oppose China’s militarization, and coercive and intimidation activities in the South China Sea. We re-emphasize the universal and unified character of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and reaffirm UNCLOS’s important role in setting out the legal framework that governs all activities in the oceans and the seas. We reiterate that the award rendered by the Arbitral Tribunal on 12 July 2016 is a significant milestone, which is legally binding upon the parties to those proceedings, and a useful basis for peacefully resolving disputes between the parties.
We express our deep concern at the People’s Republic of China’s support to Russia. We call on China to press Russia to stop its military aggression and immediately, completely and unconditionally withdraw its troops from Ukraine. We encourage China to support a comprehensive, just and lasting peace based on territorial integrity and the principles and purposes of the UN Charter, including through its direct dialogue with Ukraine. China’s ongoing support for Russia’s defense industrial base is enabling Russia to maintain its illegal war in Ukraine and has significant and broad-based security implications. We call on China to cease the transfer of dual-use materials, including weapons components and equipment, that are inputs for Russia’s defense sector.
We remain concerned by the human rights situation in China, including in Tibet and in Xinjiang where forced labor is a major concern to us. We are also worried by China’s crackdown on Hong Kong’s autonomy, independent institutions, and civil society and continued erosion of rights and freedom, including through the recent enactment of legislation under Article 23 of the Basic Law that has broad and vaguely defined provisions regarding “sedition”, “state secrets,” and interactions with foreign entities. We express concerns about the use of such laws to silence dissent in Hong Kong and overseas, including politically motivated prosecutions. These developments will make it harder to live, work and do business in Hong Kong.
We call on China not to conduct or condone activities aimed at undermining the security and safety of our communities and the integrity of our democratic institutions, and to act in strict accordance with its obligations under the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations.
We reiterate our call for the complete, verifiable, and irreversible dismantlement of all North Korea’s weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles. We urge all UN Member States to fully implement all relevant UN Security Council resolutions (UNSCRs) and reiterate our deep disappointment with Russia’s veto in March on the UNSCR 1718 Committee Panel of Experts mandate renewal. We strongly condemn North Korea’s continued development of its ballistic missile program in defiance of multiple UNSCRs, including through launches of intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBM) and space launch vehicles using ballistic missile technologies. We condemn in the strongest possible terms the increasing military cooperation between North Korea and Russia, including North Korea’s export and Russia’s procurement of North Korean ballistic missiles in direct violation of relevant UNSCRs, as well as Russia’s use of these missiles against Ukraine. We are also deeply concerned about the potential for any transfer of nuclear or ballistic missiles-related technology to North Korea, in violation of the relevant UNSCRs. We urge Russia and North Korea to immediately cease all such activities and abide by relevant UNSCRs. We reiterate our commitment to counter sanctions evasion and strengthen enforcement of all North Korea related UNSCRs. We call on North Korea to accept repeated offers of dialogue, to enhance regional peace and security. We strongly condemn North Korea’s choice to prioritize its unlawful WMD and ballistic missile programs over the welfare of the people in North Korea and we demand that it abandons these programs. We urge North Korea to respect human rights, facilitate access for international humanitarian organizations, and resolve the abductions issue immediately.
We reiterate our firm condemnation of the brutal repression of the people of Myanmar by the Myanmar military regime, and express our concern with the expanding humanitarian crisis across the country.
We deplore the implementation of the 2010 People’s Military Service Law. This is causing further internal and regional displacement, risks exacerbating divides and hampering reconciliation. Accountability for serious crimes committed in the whole country remains essential. We are particularly concerned that sectarian tensions could inflame Rakhine again, hindering the creation of conditions for voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of Rohingya refugees and all displaced persons, while propelling regional instability.
We reiterate our demands for unimpeded humanitarian access to those in need, that all parties respect human rights and international humanitarian law, and for the release of those arbitrarily detained. We reaffirm that an inclusive dialogue with all stakeholders is essential to restore foundations for a durable democratic process.
We also reiterate the importance of UNSCR 2669 and continue to support the UN’s further engagement in the crisis and ASEAN’s efforts to achieve the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus.
We restate our appeal on all States to prevent or to halt the flow of arms and dual-use material, including jet fuel, to the Myanmar military, and to contribute to the search for a viable political solution which respects the democratic aspirations of Myanmar’s people.
Regional issues
HAITI
We commit to work together with other members of the international community for the stabilization of Haiti and to ensure robust and timely funding and other support for the Kenya-led Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission, which needs to be deployed as soon as possible, and to support the Haitian National Police (HNP). We welcome Kenya’s leadership of the MSS mission. It is imperative that violence by criminal gangs is stopped. We welcome the establishment of the Presidential Transitional Council (CPT) as well as the appointment of interim Prime Minister Garry Conille and look forward to the rapid establishment of a transitional Government as the outcome of a transparent and inclusive national process. It is necessary to address urgently the most immediate needs of the population, protect women and children, restore security and the rule of law and start shaping the institutional framework required to lead Haiti to free and democratic elections by February 2026. We will continue to follow closely developments in Haiti. To that end, we welcome the efforts of the newly established G7 Working Group on Haiti to advance the MSS mission, the country’s stabilization, including through humanitarian assistance and long-term development, accountability mechanisms, and democratic governance in Haiti.
LIBYA
We reaffirm our unwavering commitment to Libya’s stability, independence, territorial integrity and national unity, including in the face of external interference. We call on all Libyan institutional stakeholders to overcome the current political stalemate by engaging in meaningful dialogue in good faith and without preconditions. An inclusive, Libyan-led, Libyan-owned political process facilitated by the United Nations remains the only viable pathway towards free and fair national presidential and parliamentary elections. In this context, we call on the Secretary General of the United Nations to appoint a new Special Representative without delay, and affirm our full support to the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL)’s interim leadership.
SAHEL
We remain concerned for the deterioration of the security situation in the Sahel, including the spread of terrorism and violent conflict causing widespread misery and displacement of the civilian population. This is compounded by the backsliding of the principles of constitutional rule of law, democracy and good governance and regression in the regional cooperation frameworks.
The grave human rights violations committed by multiple parties, including Russian proxies and local security forces in the region are unacceptable.
The challenge of growing political tension, confrontation, and instability in the Sahel requires renewed efforts by all relevant actors and stakeholders in reconfiguring international and regional responses.
A continued support to the civilian populations in the Sahel is essential to alleviate their suffering.
We call upon the States of the Sahel to accelerate the pace of the transition for return to constitutional order, and stand ready to assist them. We look forward to enhancing cooperation with the African Union and its current Mauritanian Presidency as well as regional organizations and the UN in fostering stability, security, good governance and development in the Sahel, preventing the “spill-over” of insecurity towards the Gulf of Guinea and North Africa, as well as irregular migratory flows.
SUDAN
We strongly condemn the ongoing fighting in Sudan, including human rights violations and abuses as well as international humanitarian law violations since April 2023. The situation is constantly deteriorating with increased civilian casualties. We express particular concern for the risks posed to women and children by both parties to the conflict and the increase in ethnic-based violence which must cease immediately. This is further undermining the fragile humanitarian situation and creating further displacement risks.
All parties must allow and facilitate rapid and unimpeded passage of humanitarian relief. We reiterate our call on all parties to immediately cease hostilities throughout the country, to enter into serious, direct negotiations, to agree and implement an immediate and lasting ceasefire without pre-conditions. We are deeply concerned by the current escalation in El-Fasher in North Darfur.
We urge external actors to refrain from fueling the conflict, and we encourage all Sudanese actors to engage in a national dialogue inclusive of the composite Sudanese civil society and aimed at re-establishing civilian and representative institutions to meet the democratic aspirations of the Sudanese people.
An active African and regional role, as well as the intensified and coordinated efforts of the international community, remain essential to ending violence and restoring democracy.
We welcome the outcomes of the Paris Conference for Sudan and the neighboring countries, where over EUR 2 billion have been pledged to support the civilian population in Sudan, and those who sought refuge in neighboring countries.
VENEZUELA
We are deeply concerned by the ongoing political, economic, and humanitarian crisis in Venezuela and by the lack of progress on the implementation of the Barbados Agreement of October 2023, with regard to the rights of the opposition within the electoral process and the decision to withdraw the invitation for an EU election observation mission. We call on Venezuela to fully implement the Barbados Agreement and to ensure competitive and inclusive elections on 28 July, that encompass full and credible international electoral observation missions. We further demand an end to the harassment of opposition members, and for the release of all political prisoners immediately.
We are following closely developments between Venezuela and Guyana over the Essequibo region and welcome regional efforts to maintain dialogues between the parties. We demand that Venezuela refrain from further destabilizing initiatives. The matter must be resolved peacefully, in line with international law.
BELARUS
We reiterate our condemnation of the Belarusian regime’s complicity in Russia’s war against Ukraine. We express our continued concern over the regime’s continuing repression of independent media, civil society, opposition, and citizens that peacefully express their views. We also condemn the ill treatment of political prisoners and ask for their immediate and unconditional release.
Sustainable Urban Development
We emphasize the transformative power of cities worldwide as drivers for sustainable development. We will continue our cooperation on sustainable urban development and task our relevant Ministers to discuss concrete actions to reduce spatial inequalities, protect the environment and climate, and promote smart and innovative economies in urban areas.
Energy, Climate and Environment
We reiterate our determination to address the triple global crisis of climate change, pollution, and biodiversity loss. We remain steadfast in our commitment to the Paris Agreement and keeping a limit of 1.5°C global temperature rise within reach and note with deep concern the findings of the first Global Stocktake at the UN Climate Change Conference (COP28) that there is a significant gap between global current emissions trajectories and this commitment. Our goal remains unchanged, to provide a substantial contribution to efforts to reduce global GHG emissions by around 43 per cent in this critical decade and by 60 per cent by 2035, relative to the 2019 level. We underline that this is a collective effort and further actions from all countries, especially major economies, are required in order to peak global GHG by 2025 at the latest and achieve net-zero by 2050.
We commit to submitting ambitious 1.5°C aligned NDCs, which will be catalysts for investments, with economy-wide, absolute reduction targets, covering all GHGs, sectors and categories. Underlining that this is a collective effort, we call on all countries, especially G20 and other major economies, to do the same. We will advance global and regional efforts to secure affordable clean energy for all, recognizing different national pathways.
We welcome the commitments, as set forth in COP28, to triple global renewable capacity and double the global average annual rate of energy efficiency improvements by 2030. Energy efficiency is the first fuel and an essential element of clean energy transition. We also commit to meet the global goal of deploying 1500 GW of energy storage in the power sector by 2030, including through existing targets and policies. We will transition away from fossil fuels in energy systems in a just, orderly, and equitable manner, accelerating actions in this critical decade, to achieve net-zero by 2050 in keeping with the best available science. We will operationalize these commitments through the development and implementation of domestic plans, policies and actions, including to inform and be reflected in our NDCs and LTSs, and through intensive efforts to reduce demand for and use of fossil fuels. We reaffirm our commitment to eliminate inefficient fossil fuel subsidies by 2025 or sooner and will report in 2025 on progress made. We call on others to do the same.
We reaffirm the important role of high integrity carbon markets and carbon pricing, to foster cost-efficient reductions in emission levels, drive innovation and enable a transformation to net-zero and will work together and with others to accelerate their ambitious use.
To achieve our climate goals and help all countries reap the benefits of the clean energy transition, we will work with partners to end support for new unabated coal power, accelerate investments in renewable and clean energy sources, and establish secure, diverse, responsible clean energy supply chains. We reaffirm our commitment to achieve a fully or predominantly decarbonized power sector by 2035 and to phase out existing unabated coal power generation in our energy systems during the first half of 2030s, or in a timeline consistent with keeping a limit of 1.5°C temperature rise within reach, in line with countries’ net-zero pathways. We reiterate our call for other countries and partners to join us in ending permitting and construction of new unabated coal-fired powerplants as soon as possible, and will promote cooperation with countries, international partners, and relevant organizations, including the financial sector, to this end, noting the work of those joining the Powering Past Coal Alliance and the Coal Transition Accelerator, to facilitate these goals.
We commit to accelerating the transition toward decarbonization in the industrial sectors and particularly in the hard-to-abate sectors. We will promote and facilitate the scale-up of investments in the industrial sector for innovative technologies, smart clean electrification, improved energy efficiency, direct use of renewable heat, sustainable bio energies, sustainable production of energy from waste, sustainable biogases and biofuels, renewable, clean/zero-emission and low-carbon hydrogen and its derivatives such as ammonia and direct use of renewable energy close to demand centers, the use of carbon management technologies. We also commit to accelerate the reduction of emissions from transport. We will continue working on this, including through the G7 Industrial Decarbonization Agenda as well as the Climate Club and its ambitious work program.
We reaffirm that the transition to a net-zero economy by 2050 at the latest should be inclusive and leave no one behind, and should be an opportunity for enhancing social development and economic growth, maximizing positive benefits for local economies while addressing negative social or economic impacts that may arise from climate action. Recognizing that cutting methane emissions from fossil fuel operations by means of already existing technologies is largely feasible and cost-effective for oil and gas operations, we will intensify efforts to tackle methane emissions in line with the global reduction level of at least 35 percent in methane emissions by 2035. We commit to pursue a collective effort towards a 75 per cent reduction in global methane emissions from fossil fuels, including by reducing the methane emissions intensity of oil and gas operations by 2030, through developing a robust methodology and use of measure data, and work with non-G7 oil and gas producing countries particularly in Africa, to deliver deep cuts to methane emissions.
Reaffirming our commitments in the 2023 Hiroshima Leaders’ Statement, we note that G7 countries have made significant progress in reducing dependency on Russian fossil fuels, including through energy savings and gas demand reduction in a manner consistent with our Paris Commitments and address the global impact of Russia’s war on energy supplies, gas prices and inflation, and people’s lives, recognizing the primary need to accelerate the clean energy transition. We recognize that restricting Russian energy revenues is an essential part of our support to Ukraine and are pursuing to end significant dependency on, and to work on transitioning away from imports of Russian gas as soon as possible. In this context, we stress the important role that increased deliveries of LNG can play and acknowledge that investment in the sector can be appropriate in response to the current crisis and to address potential gas market shortfalls provoked by the crisis. In the exceptional circumstance of accelerating the phase-out of our dependency on Russian energy, publicly supported investments in the gas sector can be appropriate as a temporary response, subject to clearly defined national circumstances, if implemented in a manner consistent with our climate objectives without creating lock-in effects, for example by ensuring that projects are integrated into national strategies for the development of low-carbon and renewable hydrogen.
Those G7 countries that opt to use nuclear energy or support its use recognize its potential as a clean/zero-emissions energy source and reiterate its potential in accelerating the transition to net-zero and improving global energy security. They will continue supporting cooperative efforts to responsibly strengthen nuclear supply chains’ safety, reliability and resilience while also promoting responsible waste management. We support Japan’s safe, transparent, and science-based process to responsibly manage the discharge of Advanced Liquid Processing System treated water and in proactively coordinating with scientists and partners as well as the IAEA. They will also promote research and development in innovative technologies for advanced and small modular reactors, including microreactors, work collectively to enable greater access to project financing tools, and support sectorial collaboration. They note the global Declaration to Triple Global Nuclear Energy Capacity by 2050, launched during COP28. We will further reduce reliance on civil nuclear and related goods from Russia, including working to assist countries seeking to diversify their supplies. We underline that the highest standards of nuclear safety and security are important to all countries and their respective publics.
Fusion energy technology has the potential to provide a lasting solution to the global challenges of climate change and energy security. We will promote international collaborations to accelerate the development and demonstration of fusion plants to foster private investments and public engagement. With this aim, we commit to establishing a G7 Working Group on Fusion Energy. We will also work towards consistent approaches to fusion regulations. To enhance cooperation in this field, we welcome Italy and the International Atomic Energy Agency’s decision to host in Rome the inaugural ministerial meeting of the World Fusion Energy Group.
We recall our commitment to holistically addressing energy security, climate crisis and geopolitical risk. In this context, we strongly encourage international partnerships to make critical minerals and critical raw materials supply chains more diversified, transparent, resilient, responsible, circular, resource efficient, and sustainable. We will support local value creation in critical minerals supply chains in line with WTO rules. We are working to advance strong international environmental, social, and governance standards for critical minerals extraction, processing, and recycling while leveraging their economic and development opportunities, particularly in low-income countries, including through implementation of the Five-Point Plan for Critical Mineral Security, as well as driving work through the International Energy Agency, the Mineral Security Partnership, and the RISE Partnership and the Sustainable Critical Mineral Alliance.
We will work to accelerate investment in clean energy and build out the secure, responsible, and diverse supply chains necessary to achieve these goals, together with partners around the world.
We are determined to ensure affordable, reliable, sustainable, clean, and modern energy in developing countries, particularly in Africa, recognizing the opportunity that the clean energy transition presents to spur a new era of productivity, industrial growth, and economic development, and to advance the priority of clean cooking in the continent. We stand ready to play a pivotal role in supporting Africa’s ambitions and efforts to develop adequate clean energy infrastructure and supply chains. For this reason, we are launching the Energy for Growth in Africa initiative, alongside Côte d’Ivoire, Ethiopia, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, Republic of Congo, and South Africa, and we look forward to others joining. This initiative will drive clean energy investments across the continent with strong African countries’ ownership, contributing to addressing persistent barriers and gaps, and advancing sustainable, resilient and inclusive growth and industrial development. Our efforts will be geared towards ensuring Africa can fulfil its potential to become a global sustainable energy hub using relevant platforms, such as the UNDP Center for Climate, Energy and Environment established by the Italian Presidency.
Furthermore, we strongly support the creation of new sustainable energy generation capacity in Africa and the Mediterranean to contribute to global decarbonization goals, in our common fight against climate change, as well as the development of greater interconnectivity to help reduce the cost of the energy transition. We encourage and actively support the acceleration of private investment, including through public-private partnerships, increasing Africa’s integration with the global energy market, in particular through the Mediterranean region.
We continue exploring innovative financing sources for climate and biodiversity action and clean energy, innovative schemes such as payment for ecosystem services, green bonds and high-integrity biodiversity credits with environmental and social safeguards. In particular, we support the issuance of green bonds in low- and middle-income countries, particularly on the African continent, to encourage private financial flows for sustainable investments and the growth of capital markets, in line with existing initiatives such as the Global Green Bonds Initiative.
We acknowledge the importance of fiscal space and mobilizing resources from all sources for increased climate and development action particularly for low-income and vulnerable countries, and that the fights against climate change and poverty go hand in hand. We will implement effective policy frameworks to drive the necessary public and private investments. In this context, we welcome the Menu of Policy Options for a Just Transition towards Net Zero and the High-Level Framework for Public-Private Insurance Programs against Natural Hazards as a viable measure.
We will work with the MDBs, IFIs and other climate finance providers to take a coordinated approach to financing climate action, nature-based solutions, and sustainable energy projects in developing countries, including by supporting private finance and domestic resource mobilization. We will effectively prioritize our international support in the energy sector towards accelerating the clean energy transition. We call on other major economies and all the relevant entities to do the same.
We look forward to setting a new collective quantified goal on climate finance at COP29, and recognize that a new goal is a unique opportunity to strengthen the international climate finance landscape in this critical decade to keep 1.5°C within reach. We emphasize that G7 countries intend to be leading contributors to a fit-for-purpose goal, underlining the importance of including those countries that are capable of contributing to any international public finance mobilization. As assessed by the OECD, developed countries exceeded the annual goal of providing and mobilizing USD 100 billion in climate finance for developing countries in 2022, an achievement that we warmly welcome.
We note that, despite progress, there is a need to continue to scale up action and support, including finance for climate adaptation as called for in the Glasgow Climate Pact. We will continue supporting the most vulnerable developing countries in translating national adaptation plans and other national adaptation instruments into investment plans aligned with their needs and priorities, including through the G7 Adaption Accelerator Hub.
We emphasize the importance of whole-of-society approaches, with the meaningful participation of the people and communities on the frontlines of the triple crisis, including women, youth, and Indigenous Peoples. We recognize that they are disproportionately affected by the impacts of climate change and recognize their critical role as leaders and agents of change.
Recognizing the role of younger generations to promote climate action and drive a more sustainable future, we need to empower their voices and their participation. Building on successful initiatives, such as the Youth4Climate program, we commit to amplifying youth-led initiatives, enhancing educational opportunities, and bolstering advocacy efforts.
We are committed to halting and reversing biodiversity loss by 2030 and to the swift and full implementation of the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (KMGBF) and achieving each of its goals and targets, including the 30 by 30 targets. For those G7 members that are parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), we will revise and submit updated National Biodiversity Strategies and Action Plans in alignment with the KMGBF or communicate national targets reflecting the KMGBF ahead of the 16th UN Biodiversity Conference. We recall our previous commitment to increase our national and international funding for nature by 2025, and to substantially and progressively increase the level of financial resources from all sources including by providing support to the Global Environment Facility. We commit to align all relevant financial and fiscal flows with the KMGBF. We note that Target 19 aims at mobilizing at least USD 200 billion per year by 2030 for biodiversity from all sources, including USD 20 billion per year by 2025 and USD 30 billion per year by 2030, through international financial resources. We are all still concerned about incentives, including subsidies, harmful to biodiversity, and call upon all relevant organizations to continue collaborating with us, including by assisting in identifying such incentives, and we are all working to fulfil our respective applicable commitments, including, inter alia, to identify these incentives by 2025, and redirect or eliminate them, while scaling-up positive incentives for the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity by 2030 at the latest, taking initial steps without delay.
In this context we are committed to halt and reverse deforestation and forest and land degradation by 2030 globally. We are committed to promoting sustainable forest management and sustainable use of woods and advancing sustainable supply chains that decouple agricultural production from deforestation and forest and land degradation, recognizing the importance of demand and supply-side measures. We are committed to developing innovative financial solutions for conserving, protecting, and restoring forests, and in that context welcome the launch of country packages for forests, nature, and climate at COP28. We will also take steps to prevent, manage, and address the negative impacts of extreme wildfires.
We reiterate our deep concern about the health of the ocean and seas, and we are united in the call for transformative action on ocean governance to tackle the triple planetary crisis of climate change, biodiversity loss, and pollution. We will work towards a successful UNOC3 in 2025 in this regard. We commit to pursue the swift ratification, approval, acceptance, and accession of the agreement on the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity of areas beyond national jurisdiction and to contribute to a rapid entry into force and implementation.
We will accelerate efforts to decouple economic growth from negative environmental impacts and primary resource use by expanding the transformation of our economies to be net-zero, circular, climate-resilient, pollution-free and nature-positive. We are committed to end plastic pollution with the ambition to reduce additional plastic pollution to zero by 2040 and, as appropriate, reduce the global production and consumption of primary plastic polymers in the context of our actions throughout the full life cycle of plastic. We support efforts to develop an international legally binding instrument on plastic pollution of the highest ambition possible by the end of 2024, based on a comprehensive approach that addresses the full life cycle of plastic. We also continue our work to reduce air pollution. We call on the global community to do the same. We will step up our efforts to increase resource efficiency and circular economy. They can reduce pressure on primary resources and play a key role in mitigating the adverse impacts of resource extraction and processing, while, at the same time, increasing the resilience of our economies to potential future shocks and fostering innovation and sustainability.
Safe water and healthy soils and ecosystems, including marine and coastal ecosystems, are vital for preserving life and livelihoods, and mitigating climate change and environmental degradation’s impact, including climate-induced displacement, particularly in Africa. We express concern about Russia’s environmentally unsustainable and unfair trading practices regarding fish and seafood products. We look forward to successful outcomes at the upcoming Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD COP16) in Colombia and the UN Conference to Combat Desertification (UNCCD COP16) in Saudi Arabia. With this aim, the Italian G7 Presidency is setting up a Hub on Sustainable Use of Land, dedicated to promoting a collaborative and common approach to sustainable land use initiatives in Africa and the Mediterranean Basin. Recognizing the importance of water and sanitation for sustainable development, prosperity and peace, we endorse the establishment of a G7 Water Coalition to coordinate our action and strengthen our cooperation on water-related issues, and we welcome the organization of the One Water Summit in Riyadh at the margins of UNCCD COP16.
We reaffirm the critical role our DFIs can play in contributing to the mobilization of finance from all sources for advancing G7 energy, climate and environment commitments.
Artificial Intelligence, Science, Technology, and Innovation
Artificial Intelligence can play a crucial role in promoting progress and development in our societies. We will promote safe, secure, and trustworthy AI. We will pursue an inclusive, human-centered, digital transformation that underpins economic growth and sustainable development, maximizes benefits, and manages risks, in line with our shared democratic values and respect for human rights.
In this regard, we recognize the need for approaches to AI governance that foster inclusion, to help us harness the potential of AI in a way that reflects these values and promotes its development while mitigating risks, including with respect to human rights and avoiding governance fragmentation. We will work toward these objectives by actively cooperating with other stakeholders, organizations and initiatives as relevant, such as the Global Partnership on AI (GPAI) and the OECD. We will build on the outcomes of the AI Seoul Summit and upcoming milestones, including this year’s UN Summit of the Future and the AI Action Summit in 2025.
Recognizing the importance of advancing the Hiroshima AI Process outcomes, we welcome support from the countries and organizations beyond the G7, as demonstrated by its Friends Group.
We will step up our efforts to enhance interoperability amongst our AI governance approaches to promote greater certainty, transparency and accountability while recognizing that approaches and policy instruments may vary across G7 members. We will take a risk-based approach in these efforts as we seek to foster innovation and strong, inclusive, and sustainable growth. To achieve this goal, we will step up our coordination around the evolution of our governance and regulatory frameworks, including by sharing best practices. We will enhance our regular consultations. We are also committed to deepening coordination between our respective institutes and offices focused on AI, to work towards shared understanding of risk management and advance international standards for AI development and deployment. We welcome our Industry, Tech, and Digital Ministers’ efforts to advance the Hiroshima AI Process’ outcomes released last year, including the development of a reporting framework for monitoring the International Code of Conduct for Organizations Developing Advanced AI Systems. We look forward to the pilot of the reporting framework, developed in cooperation with the OECD, in view of the Industry, Tech, and Digital Ministers’ Meeting in October. We will work towards developing a brand that can be used to identify organizations that are voluntarily participating in and implementing the Code’s forthcoming reporting framework.
We welcome the G7 Toolkit for Artificial Intelligence in the Public Sector, that can help governments to deliver better services to our economies and societies, while protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms.
We will work to ensure that AI enables increased productivity, quality jobs, and decent work; empowers workers; fosters inclusiveness and equal opportunities in the world of work; and enhances active labor market policies, including by fostering dialogue and transparency with workers organizations. To achieve these goals, we will launch an action plan on the use of AI in the world of work. We ask our Labor Ministers to develop the action plan, envisaging concrete actions to fully leverage the potential of AI to enable decent work and workers’ rights and full access to adequate reskilling and upskilling, while addressing potential challenges and risks to our labor markets. We emphasize the need to anticipate future skills needs, provide higher education opportunities and equip workers and employers with the skills and competencies needed to design, adopt, and work with a human-centric, safe, secure and trustworthy AI. Against this background, we also emphasize the importance of innovative education, international talent mobility, digital competencies, and personalized lifelong learning to meet the demand for a qualified workforce. We recognize and encourage the work of the private sector to address skills gaps, including through the Global Partnership on Artificial Intelligence’s Working Group on the Future of Work.
Acknowledging the key role that emerging technologies can play in economic growth, we commit to enhancing cooperation to bolster the adoption and development of new technologies, including AI, among micro, small, and medium enterprises, thereby fostering inclusive economic growth.
As we look to the future of emerging technologies, we encourage transparency and adherence to international workers’ rights and labor standards at each stage of the AI supply chain. We also encourage our competition authorities to monitor the development of the AI industry, with a view to addressing potential competition issues, and prevent adverse effects at an early stage.
We will also work, including with developing countries and emerging economies, towards closing digital divides, including the gender digital divide, and achieving digital inclusion. We welcome the UN General Assembly Resolution on Seizing the Opportunities of Safe, Secure and Trustworthy AI Systems for Sustainable Development, which advances international conversations on AI, including to promote equitable access to the benefits of AI for all. We will leverage the benefits of AI for SDGs by closing gaps in technologies for development, and by strengthening research and development ecosystems. To this end, G7 countries seek to promote safe, secure and inclusive practices, tools and solutions to make the benefits of AI and advanced computing available to partners to advance their development. In this regard, we welcome the Italian Presidency’s decision to establish the AI Hub for Sustainable Development, in collaboration with UNDP. The Hub aims to enable multistakeholder partnerships to support local AI digital ecosystems, strengthen capacities to advance AI for sustainable development, and complement existing initiatives including the AI for Development Donors Partnership.
We reiterate the importance of operationalizing Data Free Flow with Trust (DFFT) to enable trustworthy cross-border data flows, and invigorate the digital economy as a whole, while preserving governments’ ability to address legitimate public interest. We value OECD’s leading role in advancing DFFT and we welcome its expert community.
Acknowledging the crucial role of resilient and reliable global semiconductor supply chains, we welcome the establishment of a Semiconductors G7 Point of Contact Group. This Group will bolster our coordination in addressing issues impacting the semiconductor industry. We will also advance our cooperation on secure and resilient undersea cable connectivity, in particular for strategic routes such as the Arctic and the Pacific. Our efforts will include better coordination on technical security requirements and advancing research on the economic and environmental sustainability of cable connectivity.
Given the potential of quantum technology developments, we will adopt or implement our respective quantum strategies. We also affirm our commitment to promoting responsible innovation of biotechnology, including its convergence with AI.
We support the development of frontier science, emerging technologies and research infrastructures to solve global challenges, including a better understanding of the ocean-climate-biodiversity nexus. We also emphasize the importance of promoting international talent mobility and circulation in emerging technologies among the G7 and partners, as well as cooperation with low and middle-income countries. In this regard, we reiterate our commitment to open science and research security and integrity.
We support further efforts to promote and reinforce research security and integrity, together with like-minded partners. We welcome the Extension of the G7 Virtual Academy to non-G7 like-minded partners to share best practices and policies on research security and integrity, and we welcome that Italy will host a G7 conference on these topics this year.
We recognize the impact of AI on the military domain and the need for a framework for responsible development and use. We welcome those who have endorsed the Political Declaration on Responsible Military Use of AI and Autonomy (REAIM) and the REAIM Call to Action, and we encourage more states to do so to ensure that military use of AI is responsible, complies with applicable international law, particularly international humanitarian law, and enhances international security.
We strongly support the implementation of the International Guidelines adopted at the UN Committee on the Peaceful Use of Outer Space as urgent and necessary. We welcome national efforts to develop further solutions for space debris mitigation and remediation, including further research and development of orbital debris mitigation and remediation technologies, and the development of space sustainability standards and regulations.
We welcome the establishment of the G7 Venice Justice Group, which will serve as a coordinative function to address global challenges, including AI, using our judicial and enforcement expertise. Against this background, we recognize the impacts of deploying AI within the justice sector and that the use of AI systems must not interfere with the decision-making power of judges nor judicial independence.
Labor and Employment
We will continue promoting job quality and decent work as well as the fundamental principles and rights at work, including the right to safe and healthy working environments, underlining the important role of social dialogue and collective bargaining in this regard. We commit to ensure full respect of international labor standards and human rights to promote fair and non-exploitative working conditions, including in global value chains, in particular the fundamental conventions adopted by the ILO. We will promote technical cooperation on these issues and will intensify our efforts to abolish all forms of forced and compulsory labor and child labor. We will continue advancing the inclusion of persons with disabilities and accelerating gender and other forms of equality in the world of work. We underscore the importance of continuing investing in human capital and lifelong learning systems that provide high-quality job opportunities for all, including those in the green and digital economy. To address the challenges of ageing societies, we will continue to work for resilient labor markets and to promote active and healthy ageing, addressing obstacles to labor market participation, especially of the underrepresented groups, and will promote solutions to improve working conditions in the care sector to make it more attractive for job seekers and qualified workers and to better support our citizens over their life-course.
Cybersecurity
The security of our societies increasingly depends on an open, interoperable, safe, secure, resilient, human rights respecting use of cyberspace. We rely on the continuing work of the Ise-Shima Cyber Group in advancing responsible state behavior in cyberspace, through the application of international law, including IHL, effective confidence-building measures, targeted capacity-building initiatives, based on a multistakeholder approach, and integrating cybersecurity into the development agenda. We reaffirm our support for the Program of Action to Advance Responsible State’ Behaviour in the Use of ICTs in the context of international security, as the permanent and action-oriented mechanism to hold discussions on cybersecurity at the UN from 2025 onwards.
We are resolute in countering strategic threats and in holding malicious cyber actors to account. Our relevant institutions will intensify their work on enhancing information exchange and coordination. We are committed to taking concrete steps to improve our collective resilience through the newly established G7 Cybersecurity Working Group leveraging synergies with the Ise-Shima Cyber Group.
We are pursuing a four-fold approach to counter malicious cyber activities: i) promoting responsible state behavior in cyber space, ii) improving cybersecurity, including in the private sector; iii) developing and using tools to deter and respond to malicious (state) behavior and to cyber criminals, and disrupt the infrastructure they use, including by enhancing coordination on attribution processes; and iv) strengthening our partners’ cyber security capacity.
To counter the rise in ransomware attacks by cybercriminals, we continue to make best use of the International Counter Ransomware Initiative and will coordinate our efforts to avoid ransom payments. We will also consider actions to impose costs on malicious actors.
We recognize rising cyber threats to critical infrastructure, in particular in the energy sector, which is heavily targeted by adversarial countries and criminals. We will continue discussions on good cybersecurity practices in these sectors, including ways to increase supply chains resilience and security, whilst acknowledging existing regulatory frameworks. To incentivize tech companies to build more secure Internet of Things products we will promptly explore avenues towards establishing mutual recognition of schemes for reliable cyber-safe products. We strongly encourage manufacturers to improve the security of products throughout their life cycle and make them secure-by-design and secure-by-default.
We are willing to work with all those who share our common objective to ensure a cyberspace that supports inclusive and democratic societies, narrows the gender gap in this field, and promotes multistakeholder partnerships, including with the private sector.
Migration
We affirm our collective commitment to addressing migration as a global phenomenon, tackling the challenges it presents and seizing the opportunities it brings globally, through an integrated, comprehensive, balanced approach, in line with international law. We recognize that developing sustainable, inclusive solutions to effectively manage migration to the benefit of all, including low- and middle-income countries facing significant migratory pressures, demands collective actions carried out in a spirit of commitment and joint responsibility. We will work to ensure a governance of migration that is increasingly effective and sustainable within the framework of our international obligations, relevant treaties and conventions. While doing so, we reaffirm our commitment to ensuring full respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, regardless of their migratory status, and, in this regard, we also recall the right of everyone to seek asylum from persecution as per the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and to seek international protection as safeguarded by the Geneva Convention on Refugees.
Against this background, we will enhance cooperation by promoting a three-pronged approach, in partnership with countries of origin and transit, focusing on: (i) the root causes of irregular migration, through sustainable development initiatives, economic investment, and stabilization efforts, in partnership with countries of origin and transit; (ii) efforts to enhance border management and enforcement and curb transnational organized crime involved in migrant smuggling and trafficking in persons; (iii) safe and regular pathways for migration. Our vision draws also on the principles of the Rome Process, the Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and Protection, as well as the Global Forum on Migration and Development.
Under the first pillar, we will enhance efforts to address the root causes of irregular migration and forced displacement – such as conflict, political instability, poverty, crime, corruption, and human rights abuses. We also acknowledge that climate change is a risk multiplier, intersecting with and exacerbating other drivers of mobility. We aim to foster comprehensive and equitable partnerships between countries of origin, transit, and destination to pave the way for long-term structural solutions that contribute to sustainable development, resilience, and stability. We will strengthen collaboration and regional efforts to support economic, governance, social, and environmental conditions, enabling all individuals to live and thrive in their own countries, safeguarding their safety, rights, and dignity. In this regard, we acknowledge that countries of origin and countries and communities hosting large numbers of migrants and refugees may need international financial assistance to support development, as well as humanitarian assistance, security, public health, education and employment. To do so, we will leverage our policies and actions, to ensure that we address the root causes of irregular migration.
For the second pillar, we will step up our efforts to prevent and address irregular migration, counter the illegal activities that facilitate it, and tackle the challenges it poses to individuals and societies. We affirm the sovereign right of states to control their borders, as well as their prerogative to govern migration within their jurisdiction, in conformity with international law. We promote actions that are in line with international law, including international human rights law, and the principle of non-refoulement. We will employ a whole-of-route approach, and work towards strategies aimed at deterring individuals from embarking on irregular and perilous migration journeys.
In particular, we will work to strengthen border management and visa policies and processes, also with a view to limit the activities of migrant smuggling and trafficking networks. We will also work collectively to support the safe and dignified return of persons not eligible to remain, as well as to support sustainable reintegration efforts in countries of origin. We will leverage our collective diplomatic efforts in encouraging countries to readmit their nationals, in line with their international commitments and through due processes.
In line with the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (UNTOC) and its Protocols, we will also strengthen our actions to prevent, counter, and dismantle organized criminal networks that profit from the smuggling of migrants and trafficking in persons and disrupt their business models. To this end, we are launching a G7 Coalition to Prevent and Counter the Smuggling of Migrants. Through this initiative, we will promote enhanced cooperation on investigative capacities, engaging relevant authorities in countries of origin, transit, and destination. We will encourage advancements toward improved and reliable data exchanges, crucial for evidence-based joint enforcement actions against smuggling and trafficking networks. We will utilize a “follow the money” approach to effectively identify, investigate, and disrupt organized crime, tackling financial aspects, including enhanced cooperation on asset confiscation. We also recognize the importance of raising awareness and informing potential migrants on the risks associated with migrant smuggling and trafficking in persons, to deter them from embarking on perilous routes. We task our G7 Interior and Security Ministers, in coordination with other relevant Ministers, to create a dedicated Action Plan to advance the G7 Coalition, to be adopted at the upcoming Interior and Security Ministers meeting. In implementing this Action Plan, we will ensure the Coalition works through ongoing partnerships and mechanisms, including with UNODC and other relevant United Nations bodies, the Financial Action Task Force, INTERPOL, EUROPOL, the EU’s Global Alliance to Counter Migrant Smuggling, and through G7 frameworks such as the Roma-Lyon Group and the Venice Justice Group.
For the third pillar, we acknowledge the importance of safe and regular pathways for migrants and refugees as part of comprehensive, whole-of-route migration management strategies. Regular pathways can represent realistic alternatives and have the potential to reduce irregular migration and the use of smuggling and trafficking networks, and contribute to preventing the adverse humanitarian consequences of embarking on perilous routes. In this regard, we reaffirm our commitment to ensuring safe, orderly, and regular migration, and recognize the important economic and social benefits that migrants can bring to our countries as well as to low- and middle-income countries, including through remittances.
Regular pathways need to respond to national requirements, adhere to our legislations, sovereign decisions, and to the principles of fair recruitment. Driven by a spirit of joint responsibility, we will advance cooperation on regular pathways, including by supporting partner countries in improving migration governance while addressing the challenges and risks associated with irregular migration. In this context, we acknowledge ongoing regional efforts aimed at securing talents and professional mobility, as well as programs aimed at establishing and sustaining effective avenues for resettlement. These initiatives can provide safe and legal pathways for migrants while also addressing labor gaps in countries of destination. They should be designed in consideration of the needs of vulnerable populations and employ gender- and age-sensitive approaches, to prevent abuses and exploitation, protect human rights and dignity, and enhance safety and security worldwide. As such, we will continue to include regular pathways as part of our comprehensive policy frameworks, including labor pathways implemented in partnership with developing countries, as appropriate. We will promote their effective and lawful utilization, while sustaining and encouraging discussions on these matters in relevant international and regional fora, towards increasingly shared and collaborative approaches.
Global Economy and Finance
We acknowledge that the global economy has shown greater resilience than expected, but it remains exposed to risks arising from geopolitical tensions, renewed volatility in energy prices, and further disruptions to the smooth functioning of supply chains. Our policy efforts will continue to focus on promoting innovation, the just green and digital transitions, and productivity growth, while gradually rebuilding fiscal buffers, and ensuring price and financial stability. We also reaffirm our existing G7 exchange rate commitments. We express concerns about the comprehensive use of non- market policies and practices that create global spillovers. We encourage work, among all relevant tracks, to assess the macroeconomic impact of subsidies, and other industrial and trade policy measures globally, based on comparable information; and to foster a dialogue with non-G7 countries on issues related to industrial policies, economic fragmentation, market concentration risks and overcapacity. To achieve these goals, we will enhance cooperation to advance a G7 dialogue between relevant ministries, and, as appropriate, also engage partners beyond the G7, in addition to the IMF, WBG, WTO, and OECD.
We underline the importance of the work carried out by the Financial Stability Board (FSB) and the Standard-setting Bodies to identify, monitor and address vulnerabilities in the financial system. We strongly support ongoing work to enhance the resilience of the nonbank financial intermediation sector. We also reaffirm our commitment to implement effective regulatory and supervisory frameworks for crypto assets, and welcome initiatives to take forward the G20 Roadmap for Enhancing Cross-border Payments. We reiterate the importance of stepping up global efforts to combat money-laundering, terrorist, and proliferation financing, and support the relevant Financial Action Task Force (FATF)’s initiatives.
We reiterate our strong political commitment to a more stable and fairer international tax system, fit for the 21st century. We are committed to finalizing the work within the OECD/G20 Inclusive Framework, with a view to open for signature the Multilateral Convention on Pillar One by the end of June 2024, and we call for further progress on the implementation of Pillar Two. We welcome progress made on tax transparency and support the effective implementation of the Crypto Asset Reporting Framework by the relevant jurisdictions. We remain committed to fostering international cooperation on tax issues, building on existing achievements, with the broad participation of developing and developed countries. We will continue to work constructively with the Brazilian G20 Presidency to advance international cooperation. We will work to increase our efforts aimed at progressive and fair taxation of individuals. We acknowledge the discussions at the UN Ad Hoc Committee for a Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation, emphasizing the importance of consensus-based decisions to support a stable and predictable international tax system, promote inclusive and effective international tax cooperation, prioritizing issues such as enhancing domestic resource mobilization and tax capacity building for developing countries and emerging markets.
Mounting debt burdens are constraining the ability of low- and middle-income countries to invest in their futures and achieve the SDGs. We call on all stakeholders to redouble efforts and improve the ability to help low- and middle-income countries that fall into debt distress. This includes finalizing outstanding country cases, making future debt treatment more transparent and timelier, and improving our toolkits to put countries tackling reforms on a more sustainable footing before they fall into crisis. We look forward to the G20 improving the implementation of the Common Framework for debt treatment beyond the Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI) in a predictable, timely, orderly, and coordinated manner, providing more clarity to debtors and creditors and building on lessons learned. Beyond the Common Framework, debt vulnerabilities in middle-income countries should be addressed by enhancing multilateral coordination. We underline the importance of debt transparency and information sharing in debt restructurings and call on all creditors’ participation in data-sharing exercises. We encourage the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable (GSDR) to continue its work, fostering a constructive and inclusive dialogue among all parties. We welcome the development of Climate Resilient Debt Clauses (CRDCs) and encourage more creditors to offer CRDCs.
We reiterate our firm commitment to evolve and strengthen MDBs to address the most pressing development and global challenges, and welcome further discussions in line with our G20 commitment to achieve better, bigger, and more effective MDBs. We welcome the considerable progress that MDBs have already achieved and will continue to support them. We also welcome that the implementation of the G20 MDBs Capital Adequacy Framework (CAF) Review has already secured over USD 200 billion of additional financing for the next ten years and call for further CAF implementation to unlock additional significant financing while safeguarding MDBs excellent credit ratings and preferred creditor status.
We are committed to delivering innovative instruments at the MDBs such as hybrid capital and portfolio guarantees, for which the G7 and other donors have already demonstrated their support. Once approved domestically, current G7 commitments to these instruments will make it possible to further boost World Bank lending by around USD 70 billion over the next ten years. We also commend the AfDB for its successful first issuance of hybrid capital to market investors. We call on the MDBs to jointly explore ways to better reflect the value of callable capital in their capital adequacy methodologies, including through further discussions with credit rating agencies.
We reaffirm the importance of continuing to provide significant concessional support to low-income countries. In this regard, we welcome the successful replenishment of the Asian Development Fund (AsDF14) support a successful International Development Association (IDA21) replenishment and commit to work toward a successful replenishment of the African Development Fund next year (AfDF17). We recognize that contributions from all stakeholders are needed, and we support efforts to broaden the donor base.
We strongly support the IMF’s commitment towards the most vulnerable, including through our contributions to the Poverty Reduction and Growth Trust (PRGT). We reiterate the call on all IMF members who are able to contribute, especially those that have not yet done so, to consider providing financial support. We look forward to a comprehensive and timely review of the PRGT, and we are open to discuss all viable options, including the use of internal resources, to ensure the long term financial self-sustainability of the PRGT and to help meet the growing needs of low-income countries. We welcome the interim review of the IMF’s Resilience and Sustainability Trust (RST) and its focus on resilience to climate change and pandemics.
We support the Alliance for Green Infrastructure in Africa (AGIA), as an innovative financial mechanism of the African Development Bank in partnership with the African Union, Africa50 and other development partners, aimed at mobilizing blended capital to design and develop a USD 10 billion bankable portfolio of transformative green infrastructure projects in Africa to accelerate the energy transition, bridge the long-standing infrastructure gap and promote climate resilience. As G7, we will collectively contribute up to USD 150 million in grants, concessional and commercial capital to AGIA and we expect to help leverage around up to USD 3 billion of private sector investment in green infrastructure in Africa.
We look forward to the seventh edition of the OECD World Forum on Wellbeing to be hosted by Italy in Rome on 4-6 November 2024, focusing, inter alia, on policy issues, such as climate change and AI, from a well-being perspective.
Trade
Global threats, particularly Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, including its continuous attempts to disrupt maritime trade in the Black Sea and the persistent Houthi attacks on commercial vessels transiting the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, have highlighted the critical need to address vulnerabilities in global supply chains, ports, and trade flows.
To meet these challenges, we launched the G7 Working Group on Transport Supply Chains, which will enhance the G7’s ability to strengthen the resilience of transport flows and networks.
We remain united in our commitment to the rules-based, free and fair, equitable, and transparent multilateral trading system, with the World Trade Organization (WTO) at its core. Despite the lack of more ambitious outcomes, we recognize the results of the 13th WTO Ministerial Conference (MC13). We welcome the decision to maintain the moratorium on customs duties on electronic transmissions until MC14 and we reiterate our support for a permanent prohibition. We are committed to working towards a prompt conclusion of negotiations of the Joint Statement Initiative on E-Commerce.
We underscore the need to reform the WTO’s monitoring, deliberative, and negotiating functions and remain committed to conducting discussions with a view to having a fully and well-functioning dispute settlement system accessible to all Members by the end of 2024. We call on relevant countries to refrain from claiming special and differential treatment in the WTO, commensurate with their economic weight and role in the global trading system. We also call for an ambitious and comprehensive agreement on global fisheries subsidies.
Multilateral cooperation must be underpinned by fair competition, predictability, and sustainability. In this regard, we reaffirm our attachment to transparency, to coordination, and to the respect of WTO rules in our respective policies. We will step up our efforts towards a global level playing field and reiterate our commitment to keep our economies open and competitive. We will also tackle non-market policies and practices, such as harmful subsidies, including by State Owned Enterprises (SOEs) and forced technology transfers, notably when these policies and practices are used targeting sectors for dominance. We commit to effectively use our trade tools, including new ones, as appropriate, to identify, challenge, and counter these practices, and to promote stronger international rules and norms, together with partners.
Acknowledging the important role of trade in addressing global environmental challenges, we will support WTO deliberations that contribute to achieve COP28 commitments, including plurilateral initiatives such as those facilitating and promoting trade in environmental goods, services and technologies, and fighting plastic pollution.
We acknowledge that our trade policies, as well as public and private investments in the industries of the future, both at home and around the world, will play a major role in achieving common goals of addressing the climate crisis and accelerating the global clean energy transition. We also acknowledge that further cooperation is necessary to fill the investment gap for the clean energy transition to lower the cost of the energy transition worldwide. In this context, we stress that, in driving the clean energy economy of the future, we will cooperate openly and transparently in a coordinated manner, reflecting our joint commitment not to act at each other’s expense.
We will continue to promote inclusive trade recognizing the unique challenges that underrepresented groups, including women and indigenous peoples, face, and their role to ensuring sustainable economic growth.
Economic Resilience and Economic Security
Building on the progress we made on our strategic coordination since Hiroshima, we reinforce our commitment to promote economic resilience and economic security, in partnership and cooperation within and beyond the G7. In particular, we are building resilient economies and supply chains, ensuring our toolkits to respond to harmful practices are fit for purpose, and safeguarding critical and emerging technology that could be used to threaten international peace and security.
Recognizing that economic resilience requires de-risking through diversification and reduction of critical dependencies, including those resulting from overcapacity, we will implement the principles on resilient and reliable supply chains, namely transparency, diversification, security, sustainability, trustworthiness and reliability. We will do so by actively engaging with partners and the private sector, within and beyond the G7, while preserving economic dynamism and openness. We encourage the public and private sectors to make coordinated efforts to strengthen the supply chains resilience of strategic goods, in terms of both supply and demand. This will include seeking to collectively identify critical goods, strategic sectors, and supply chains, for future coordination within the G7 on relevant criteria that take into account not only economic factors, but also factors linked to the principles above.
We will champion initiatives to increase participation of a broader range of low- and middle-income countries in Africa and elsewhere in global supply chains, while promoting high standards and creating benefits for local workers and communities everywhere. We will also reduce our partners’ vulnerability. We reaffirm the need to accelerate coordinated initiatives on critical minerals such as the Partnership for Resilient and Inclusive Supply-chain Enhancement (RISE), the Mineral Security Partnership (MSP) and its MSP Forum.
We are more committed than ever to work together to address harmful market distortions and global excess capacity in key sectors resulting from non-market policies and practices, such as pervasive, opaque and harmful industrial subsidies, market distortive practices of SOEs and all forms of forced technology transfers. We acknowledge that such practices not only undermine the free and fair rules-based international economic order, but may also exacerbate strategic dependencies and vulnerabilities, and hinder emerging and developing countries’ sustainable development.
Against this background, we will ensure that our toolkits are fit for purpose and strengthen our coordination. We will pursue joint monitoring to assess how non-market policies and practices are producing harmful overcapacities and other spillover effects. We commit to strengthen the exchange of information, including with like-minded countries, and consult on our respective responses, with a view to greater effectiveness, while avoiding unintended negative effects and considering the security of supply chains. We will intensify diplomatic efforts with those contributing to overcapacity to address the issue at its source, while engaging developing countries and emerging markets to collaborate towards a more equitable global trade and investment environment.
We will work together with partners to ensure that attempts or threats to weaponize economic dependencies will fail and stand ready to take actions, where necessary, against economic coercion. We will increase our collective assessment, preparedness, deterrence, and response, developing new tools, as appropriate, in line with our respective legal systems and international law. We will address potential, emerging, and ongoing cases, including through the G7 Coordination Platform on Economic Coercion, with partners beyond the G7. We will also support, as appropriate, targeted states, economies, and entities and we task the Platform to actively monitor areas of concern and key threats.
We recognize that evolving technologies present opportunities, but also risks. Recognizing that rapid advances are changing the nature of dual-use technology, we will promote efforts to ensure that gaps in our dual-use technology protection ecosystem cannot be exploited. We will ensure that our tools are sufficiently flexible to keep pace with the rapid development of new technologies, while avoiding undue restrictions on international trade and investment. We have a common interest in preventing a narrow set of technological advances that are assessed to be core to enhancing the military and intelligence capabilities of actors who may use these capabilities to undermine international peace and security, from being fueled by our companies’ capital, expertise and knowledge.
Today we are taking the following steps:
We commit to safeguarding the global research ecosystem and preserving open research collaboration. We will strengthen existing multilateral research security and integrity efforts and work to prevent covert and forced transfer of intellectual property, data, and sensitive technology.
We will increase our capacity to monitor and exchange information on the use of critical minerals as a potential economic coercion threat and will work to prevent risks of supply chain disruptions caused by attempts to weaponize economic dependencies, stemming from monopolization or lack of diversification of existing suppliers.
We will continue to assess the risks posed by exports of rapidly advancing dual-use technologies, including quantum technologies, and will promote efforts, where necessary and according to our respective legal frameworks, to implement export controls to address risks to international security. We will also work, as appropriate, with our partners to further develop the understanding of how export controls can be implemented quickly and in an assured manner to protect national and international security.
We will work to ensure the effectiveness of our respective foreign investment screenings, recognizing that some foreign investments may present risks to international peace and security, as well as national security, including by providing access to sensitive technologies, data, and expertise.
We continue to work to make our economic security toolkit fit to address the risks that our most sensitive technology could be used to threaten international peace and security. In this context, we believe that appropriate measures designed to address risks from outbound investments could be important to complement existing tools of targeted controls on exports and inbound investments. We will continue to engage with and provide clarity to the private sector regarding these common and urgent goals.
We reaffirm the importance of measures that strengthen data free flow with trust by addressing new risks to international peace and security posed by the interaction of data and advanced technologies, such as AI. We recognize our common interest in ensuring the highest standards for sensitive data protection and security, including genomic data.
We will work toward ways to safeguard dual-use biotechnology items and equipment, based on evidence of risks associated with bio-convergence.
We welcome the OECD Ministerial Council Meeting (MCM) in May, that facilitated our collaboration on economic resilience and economic security among like-minded countries beyond the G7.
Health
We will continue promoting a One Health approach, bolstering prevention and health systems, further contributing to achieving Universal Health Coverage (UHC) and promoting equitable access to quality health services and essential medical countermeasures (MCMs). We reaffirm our commitment to accelerating progress towards SDG 3, ensuring healthy lives and promoting well-being for all at all ages. Furthermore, we recommit to ending HIV, tuberculosis, and malaria, in particular by supporting the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, as well as neglected tropical diseases and polio as public health threats by 2030, and countering climate change effects on infectious diseases, which are already seen globally, including in recent cholera and dengue outbreaks.
More broadly, we reaffirm the objectives of the COP28 Declaration on Climate and Health to transform health systems to be climate-resilient, equitable, low-carbon, and sustainable.
In this respect, we recognize the need to strengthen the Global Health Architecture (GHA), with the World Health Organization (WHO) at its core. Strengthening the GHA and Pandemic, Preparedness and Response (PPR) requires public and private financing. We commit to strengthening coordination between Finance and Health tracks for pandemic PPR and to continue exploring innovative mechanisms for response financing including through the work of the G20 Joint Task Force on Finance and Health. We call for continued support to i) the Pandemic Fund, including expanding the donor base and calling for at least USD 2 billion in new pledges and co-financing that is equal or greater than that; ii) strengthening G7 collaboration to support regional diversification of development and manufacturing MCMs, including regional vaccines manufacturing initiatives, as well as last mile delivery as an essential element to enhance equity; iii) the conclusion of the process and the prompt operationalization of the pandemic preparedness component of the IMF’s Resilience and Sustainability Trust (RST), in cooperation with the World Bank and WHO; and iv) impact investment initiatives such as the Impact Investment Initiative for Global Health.
Additionally, we welcome the MCM Surge Financing Initiative that relevant G7 DFIs, along with the European Investment Bank and the International Finance Corporation, are developing to build institutional capacity and ensure immediate financing to procure, produce and deliver MCMs in low- and middle-income countries during future pandemics. We welcome the development of new DFIs-led and shared MCM surge financing facilities in 2024. Relevant DFIs and IFIs intend to sign a Memorandum of Understanding this year, in coordination with other global and regional health organizations to make further progress on this initiative. We look forward to the sustainable replenishments of Gavi, as well as the WHO and the Global Fund.
We note the importance of strengthening alignment and collaboration across the global health financing ecosystem in support of country-led priorities towards Universal Health Coverage (UHC) informed by the Conclusions of the Future of Global Health Initiatives Process.
We commit to advancing UHC and investing in resilient health systems, primary healthcare service delivery, and a skilled health workforce – including through the WHO Academy, the G20 Public Health Workforce Laboratorium, and the UHC Knowledge Hub. In this context, we commit to further promote comprehensive sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) for all, and to advance maternal, newborn, child, and adolescent health, especially for those in vulnerable circumstances.
We will continue supporting research efforts and leveraging emerging technologies, including the ethical use of AI, to develop new treatments and therapies, improve diagnostic tools and technologies, and address existing and emerging health challenges, while ensuring privacy and promoting interoperability.
We emphasize the importance of life-long prevention for healthy and active ageing, by promoting healthy lifestyles and science-based diet models based, to the extent possible, on locally grown products, beneficial for both human health and the environment, and tackling health determinants and non-communicable diseases, particularly mental health, and cancer.
We remain deeply concerned with antimicrobial resistance (AMR) and other health challenges exacerbated by the triple planetary crisis of climate change, biodiversity loss and pollution, including in low and middle-income countries. Ahead of the UNGA High-Level Meeting on AMR in September 2024, we will support an ambitious outcome document that champions the needs of low- and middle-income countries and include concrete goals and targets that galvanize action alongside the mandate for an evidence-based panel to continue to drive action on AMR. We will continue promoting equitable access to essential antibiotics and integrated actions to counter AMR within a One Health Framework, by exploring and implementing infection prevention and control measures, as well as exercising stewardship for prudent and appropriate use of antimicrobials, including surveillance of their use and consumption. We will also implement push and pull incentives, support public-private partnerships and explore innovative instruments to accelerate research and development on new antimicrobials, their alternatives, and diagnostics.
Gender Equality
We reaffirm our commitment to achieving gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls in all their diversity, through full, equal, and meaningful participation in all spheres of society. We express our strong concern about the rollback of the rights of women, girls, and LGBTQIA+ people around the world in particular in time of crisis and we strongly condemn all violations and abuses of their human rights and fundamental freedoms. We will continue promoting, and protecting their rights in all spheres of society, and consistently mainstreaming gender equality in all policy areas. We will work with global partners to advance gender equality in multilateral fora.
We recommit to preventing and addressing hate and discrimination, and to eliminating sexual and gender-based violence, including that facilitated by technology and trafficking in persons. We will provide comprehensive support and meaningful participation for victims and survivors. We reiterate our commitments in the Hiroshima Leaders’ Communiqué to universal access to adequate, affordable, and quality health services for women, including comprehensive sexual and reproductive health and rights for all.
We continue to promote the full economic empowerment of all women and girls, and equal and meaningful participation and leadership in decision-making processes, including in the STEM sector. We will step up our efforts to address harmful gender norms, stereotypes, and practices, and to eliminate structural barriers and the gender pay gap, including through enhanced collaboration with the private sector and through supporting the adoption of gender equality certification systems for enterprises. We recognize the need to ensure affordable and quality childcare and long-term care services for all, support parenthood protection, promote work-life balance, and equal sharing of care responsibilities, to promote women’s equal rights and to take a whole-of-society approach to address the demographic challenges faced by ageing societies. Against this background, we reiterate the importance of recognizing, reducing, and redistributing unpaid care work and rewarding paid care work adequately, guaranteeing care workers representation.
We will tackle the unequal gender distribution of care work, which contributes to gender inequalities. To this end, we aim by 2035 to support 200 million more women to join the workforce by investing in efforts to close the global gap in the availability of childcare, including through the World Bank Invest in Childcare Initiative.
We will promote applying a gender transformative, multi-sector approach to our foreign policy, humanitarian aid, and development cooperation, including on climate resilience, food security, education and migration. We commit to advance the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda, including its application to disaster risk reduction and eradicate all forms of gender-based violence, including conflict-related sexual violence, also by supporting women peacebuilders in conflict settings. We reiterate our commitment to collectively increase G7 ODA for gender equality and we will explore ways to do this at the nexus of climate change and gender, particularly in Africa.
Recognizing that quality education for all girls is the best predictor for future levels of equality, we must also promote access to safe, inclusive, and equitable quality education for all. Noting that 2024 is the African Union’s Year of Education, we will enhance our partnership with African countries on girls’ education, including through redoubling our efforts to meet the G7 Girls Education targets by 2026.
Recognizing the success of the 2X Challenge, we welcome the new commitment by Development and Multilateral Finance Institutions to invest at least USD 20 billion over three years in gender lens investing, encouraging investments at the nexus of gender and climate. We call upon other public and private actors to join the next 2X Challenge, advancing measurable changes and financing directed to women’s empowerment.
We welcome the strengthened Gender Equality Advisory Council (GEAC) and its recommendations. Highlighting the importance of reliable sex and gender-disaggregated data collection and monitoring, we also welcome the updated G7 Dashboard on Gender Gaps.
Inclusion and Disability
We are committed to ensuring that all individuals have equal rights to full and effective participation in social, cultural, educational, economic, and civil and political life. We intend to enhance all persons’ talents and skills to make our communities stronger and more cohesive. We commit to further integrate disability rights across all political agendas, and in doing so, we welcome the first-ever G7 Inclusion and Disability Ministers meeting. We task our Ministers to launch the Solfagnano Charter, where they will articulate actions around universal access and accessibility, independent living, inclusive employment, service availability, emergency prevention and management, among others. We will step up our action for the implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD). We look forward to the Global Disability Summit to be held in Berlin in 2025.
Disarmament and Non-Proliferation
We remain firmly committed to preventing the proliferation and use of all weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery.
We are greatly concerned by Russia’s irresponsible nuclear rhetoric and actions, as well as its reported increasing use of chemical agents against Ukrainian forces. We reiterate that any use of chemical, biological, radiological, or nuclear weapons by Russia would be met with severe consequences. We remain concerned about China’s opaque and accelerating expansion of its nuclear arsenal. We will continue working to address North Korea’s and Iran’s continued advancement of nuclear and ballistic missile programs.
Recalling the G7 Leaders’ Hiroshima Vision on Nuclear Disarmament, we reaffirm our commitment to disarmament and non-proliferation efforts, with the ultimate goal of a world without nuclear weapons with undiminished security for all, achieved through a realistic, pragmatic, and responsible approach. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) is the cornerstone of the global nuclear non-proliferation regime and the foundation for the pursuit of nuclear disarmament and peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We believe that the overall decline in global nuclear arsenals achieved since the end of the Cold War must continue and not be reversed.
We highlight the need to bring the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) into force. In this regard, we call on Russia to continue to adhere to the moratorium on nuclear tests and renew the CTBT ratification. We also call on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) not to conduct any further nuclear tests, and to sign and ratify the CTBT.
We call for the immediate commencement of long-overdue negotiations within the Conference on Disarmament of a treaty banning the production of fissile material for use in nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices (FMCT) while urging all nuclear weapons States that have not yet done so to declare and maintain voluntary moratoria on the production of such material.
We remain steadfast in our support of the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) and the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC), their universalization and full and effective implementation. We underline the importance of addressing biological threats worldwide. We will work to ensure that biological research, development, and innovation are conducted in a safe, secure, responsible, and sustainable manner.
We reiterate our commitment to the G7-led Global Partnership Against the Spread of Weapons and Materials of Mass Destruction, a driving force behind global efforts to prevent, detect and respond to the acquisition and use of weapons of mass destruction by States and terrorists alike.
We are strengthening effective export controls on materials, technology, and research that could be used for military purposes in a way that keeps pace with rapid technological developments and recognizes the central role of multilateral export control regimes as a key non-proliferation instrument and safeguard for international peace and security.
We reiterate our commitment to safe, peaceful, responsible, and sustainable use of outer space, upholding existing legal frameworks including the Outer Space Treaty. We remain committed to fostering international cooperation and transparency, as well as confidence building measures and norms of responsible behavior with the goal of improving space security for all States.
We affirm the obligation of all States Parties to fully comply with the Outer Space Treaty, including not to place in orbit around the Earth any objects carrying nuclear weapons or any other kinds of weapons of mass destruction, install such weapons on celestial bodies, or station such weapons in outer space in any other manner.
Countering Terrorism, Violent Extremism and Transnational Organized Crime
We condemn and counter terrorism and violent extremism in all their forms. We are determined to protect our societies’ freedom and security, while upholding the rule of law and respecting human rights. We will continue to combat the financing of terrorism and terrorism propaganda, particularly the dissemination of terrorist content online. We will also promote information sharing, international cooperation, and capacity building, including in border management, to investigate and prosecute such crimes.
We reiterate our strong commitment to fighting transnational organized crime, breaking its business models, and dismantling its networks. Drug trafficking, smuggling of migrants, trafficking in persons and fraud are major sources of income for organized crime. We stand ready to work with other governments to address these transnational challenges, as well as crimes that affect the environment and against cultural heritage. Recalling our statement on Synthetic Drug Threats, including the significant health implications, we support the Global Coalition to Address Synthetic Drug Threats.
We also continue our unwavering commitment to tackling child sexual exploitation and abuse in all its forms to keep children safe online and in our communities around the world. It is crucial that all sectors, including the tech sector, step up and play their part in prioritizing child safety and working to combat this horrific crime.
Safeguarding Democratic Processes
In a year during which millions worldwide choose their leaders and representatives, we reaffirm our commitment to safeguard democratic values and human rights. With the rapid evolution of emerging technology, we are more concerned than ever about Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference (FIMI) in our democratic institutions and processes, and how attempted interference campaigns, malicious cyber activities, and transnational repression collectively undermine sovereignty and democratic values.
We pledge to strengthen our coordinated efforts to better prevent, detect, and respond to FIMI threats through human rights-respecting practices and by supporting freedom of expression and free, independent, and pluralistic media. We ask our relevant Ministers to bolster the G7 Rapid Response Mechanism by creating by the end of the year a collective response framework to counter foreign threats to democracies, including publically exposing foreign operations of information manipulation. We also call on tech companies, in particular social media platforms, to intensify their efforts to prevent and counter FIMI campaigns and the potential abuse of AI for this purpose and work towards higher standards of transparency and accountability on these issues.
We will continue our cooperation with governments and non-governmental partners to work towards the promotion of fact-based, quality, and trustworthy information and will support relevant international initiatives, in particular in the UN and OECD.
Anti-corruption
Corruption and related illicit finance drain public resources, fuel organized crime, and undermine democratic governance and progress across the SDGs. We endorse the G7 High-Level Principles on Anti-Corruption and commit to promoting technical assistance and capacity building to address existing gaps. We reaffirm the fundamental role that the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) plays in the global fight against corruption and commit to further enhance the effectiveness of its Implementation Review Mechanism. We underscore the importance of denying corrupt actors access to our territories and financial systems.
Conclusions
We appreciate the exchanges with, and the inputs from, the G7 Engagement Groups. We are furthermore grateful for the valuable contributions from the Heads of the AfDB, the IMF, the OECD, the UN, and the WB, who joined us in Apulia.
We look forward to the Paris Olympic and Paralympic Games, and urge all countries to observe the Olympic Truce individually and collectively, as prescribed by the United Nations General Assembly Resolution “Building a peaceful and better world through sports and the Olympic ideal” adopted on 15 November 2023.
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JUNE 14, 2024
FACT SHEET: The 2024 G7 Summit in Apulia, Italy
STATEMENTS AND RELEASES
President Biden and G7 leaders stood united at the G7 Summit in Apulia, Italy, taking bold action to meet the tests of our time: supporting Ukraine’s fight for freedom and driving up the costs of Russia’s war, pushing back on unfair economic practices, tackling the climate crisis and food and health insecurity, harnessing critical technologies for the benefit of all, and working with partners around the world to support developing countries investing in their futures.
Supporting Ukraine’s Fight for Freedom
Joined by Ukrainian President Zelenskyy, G7 leaders reaffirmed their unwavering support for Ukraine for as long as it takes – sending an unmistakable signal to Putin that he will not outlast our resolve.
Unlocking $50 billion for Ukraine: G7 leaders announced a plan to provide Ukraine with $50 billion in new financing by bringing forward the interest earned on immobilized Russian sovereign assets held in the European Union and other jurisdictions. Leaders reaffirmed their commitment that Russia’s sovereign assets within G7 jurisdictions will remain immobilized until Russia ends its aggression and pays for the damage it has caused to Ukraine. This new financing will provide critically needed support for Ukraine’s military, budget, and reconstruction needs. The United States will work with Ukraine and G7 partners in the coming months to finalize the details of the financing arrangement and issue the loan by the end of the year.
Driving Up Costs for the Russian War Machine: The Biden Administration this week issued a sweeping set of new sanctions and export control measures, guided by G7 commitments to intensify the pressure on Russia for its war against Ukraine. Foreign banks now face increased sanctions risk when they deal with Russia’s war economy. New sanctions on more than 300 individuals and entities in Russia, the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and globally target Russia’s financial infrastructure; over a dozen international evasion and procurement networks; Russia’s future energy, metals, and mining revenues; and Russian elites involved in the deportation or so-called re-education of Ukrainian children. The Administration also announced steps to restrict access to certain U.S. software and information technology services, to crack down on diversion of goods through shell companies, and to more extensively restrict exports to entities that supply Russia with U.S.-branded items produced overseas.
Supporting Ukraine Now and in the Future. In Puglia, President Biden and President Zelensky signed the U.S.-Ukraine Bilateral Security Agreement as a demonstration of enduring U.S. support for Ukraine, including through binding commitments to deepen our security and defense cooperation and to consult in the event of a future armed attack.
Advancing International Peace, Security, and Prosperity
The G7’s work is grounded in a shared commitment to respect the UN Charter, promote international peace and security, and uphold the free and open rules-based international order.
Calling for a Comprehensive Deal in Gaza: The G7 was united in supporting the comprehensive deal outlined by President Biden that would lead to an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, the release of all hostages, a significant and sustained increase in the flow of humanitarian assistance throughout Gaza, and an enduring end to the crisis, with Israel’s security interests and safety for Palestinian civilians in Gaza assured.
Standing with Allies and Partners in the Indo-Pacific: President Biden discussed robust U.S. engagement in the Indo-Pacific to strengthen our alliances and partnerships, and welcomed the increasing connectivity between European and Indo-Pacific partners. He joined with other leaders in stressing the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait, and in raising concerns regarding the PRC’s dangerous actions in the South China Sea.
Deepening Cooperation with Partners in Africa: The G7 is working together with African partners to contribute to global stability and prosperity, and have endorsed African countries’ call for greater voice in international bodies.
Promoting Economic Resilience and Economic Security
President Biden rallied the G7 to take further steps to protect our workers, industries, and the investments we are making from begin undermined by the PRC’s unfair practices. The PRC’s policies are creating global spillovers, including harmful overcapacity, that undercut market firms and lead to supply chain dependencies in sectors such as solar, wind, electric vehicles, lithium-ion batteries, medical devices, mature-node semiconductors, steel, aluminum, and others.
Working Together to Level the Playing Field and Protect Economic Security: The G7 pledged to work together to confront non-market policies and practices and efforts to dominate strategic sectors. The G7 will undertake new monitoring and information-sharing efforts, update our respective toolkits to counter harmful practices, and coordinate efforts to deter and respond to economic coercion.
Building Partnerships to Promote Resilient Supply Chains and Reduce Critical Dependencies: The G7 will work with partners in developing countries and emerging markets to increase their participation in global supply chains while promoting high standards.
Protecting Critical and Sensitive Technologies: We are updating our respective tools to protect certain critical and sensitive technologies from being used to undermine international peace and security, while avoiding broader restrictions on international trade and investment. The G7 is also strengthening cooperation on research security, data security, and investment screening efforts, and coordinating to streamline the implementation of export controls.
Partnering with Developing Countries to Invest in their Future
The G7 is taking ambitious steps to scale up support to developing countries and accelerate progress toward the Sustainable Development Goals.
Breaking the Global Debt Impasse: Recognizing that mounting debt burdens are putting developing countries’ ability to make such critical investments out of reach, President Biden – alongside Kenyan President Ruto – championed and garnered G7 support for the Nairobi-Washington Vision that calls on the international community to step up support for developing countries to make critical investments and reforms. The G7 committed to work with the IMF, World Bank, and other stakeholders to bring this plan forward, with a view to realizing it for pilot countries this year.
Boosting the Financial Power of the International Financial Institutions: President Biden further championed efforts to deliver better, bigger, more effective multilateral development banks (MDBs). The G7 rallied together to announce planned contributions which, once approved domestically, would make it possible for the World Bank to boost lending by $70 billion over the next decade. This is on top of efforts from the United States and other MDB shareholders to unlock over $250 billion in new lending capacity at these institutions.
Delivering on the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGI): President Biden and Italian Prime Minister Meloni co-hosted a PGI side event that included participation by BlackRock Chairman and CEO Larry Fink and Microsoft Chairman and CEO Satya Nadella. G7 leaders and private sector executives reaffirmed their commitment to unlocking public and private capital for investments in partner countries, demonstrated by BlackRock’s announcement that a group of investors plan to invest at least $4 billion in alignment with PGI priorities and Microsoft’s announcement of $5 billion in recent digital infrastructure investments in emerging markets. President Biden announced new projects and highlighted progress on PGI economic corridors, including the Lobito Corridor in Sub-Saharan Africa and the Luzon Corridor in the Philippines. The United States has mobilized more than $60 billion to date towards PGI.
Accelerating the Clean Energy Transition to Address Climate Change
The G7 is accelerating its work to address the challenges of climate change, pollution, and biodiversity loss. G7 members reaffirmed ambitious COP28 commitments to triple renewable energy capacity, double global energy efficiency by 2030, and strengthen energy security.
Phasing Out Unabated Coal Power and Increasing Energy Storage: The G7 has committed for the first time to phase out unabated coal power generation in energy systems during the first half of the 2030s. The G7 has also further set a target to deploy 1,500 GW of long-duration energy storage by 2030, building on top of the COP28 pledge to triple globally installed renewable energy by 2030.
Building Clean and Resilient Supply Chains: Working with Congress, President Biden announced that the United States intends to contribute $5 million to the Partnership for Resilient and Inclusive Supply-Chain Enhancement (RISE), launched by the G7 last year. RISE supports low- and middle-income countries to invest in their economies and strengthen their engagement throughout critical minerals supply chains, helping to drive the clean energy transition and promote resilient supply chains.
Promoting International Collaboration on Nuclear and Fusion Energy: The G7 recognized nuclear energy as a clean/zero emissions energy source that can reduce dependence on fossil fuels to address the climate crisis and improve global energy security, and pledged to support multilateral efforts to strengthen the resilience of nuclear supply chains. Recognizing the potential for fusion energy to serve as a breakthrough energy solution, the G7 is establishing a Working Group on Fusion Energy to share best practices and promote cooperation on research and development.
Promoting Health and Food Security
The G7 continues to lead global efforts to address the food security crisis and support strong, resilient and responsive health systems around the world.
Launching the Apulia Food Security Initiative: G7 leaders joined Italy in launching the Apulia Food Security Initiative to address structural barriers to food security and nutrition and build more resilient, sustainable, and productive agriculture and food systems. Aligned with the United States’ signature food security initiative, The Feed the Future Initiative, as well as the Vision for Adapted Crops and Soils, the G7 recommitted to investing in sustainable and resilient food systems and in healthy, fertile soil management and climate-adapted crop varieties.
Transforming Global Health Security Financing: President Biden and G7 leaders called for at least $2 billion in new pledges for the Pandemic Fund, and pledges equal to or greater than that for catalytic financing, which helps developing countries build pandemic prevention, preparedness, and response capacities. They additionally committed to achieve concrete progress to boost surge financing for medical countermeasure (MCM) to enable countries to quickly procure, produce, and deliver MCMs during future pandemics.
Expanding Immunization Coverage: President Biden and G7 leaders expressed support for a sustainable replenishment of Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, this year, with the goal of significantly expanding immunization coverage globally. President Biden committed to making a robust and multi-year pledge to Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, in support of this year’s replenishment and urged other G7 leaders to step up with ambitious pledges of their own.
Addressing antimicrobial resistance (AMR): G7 Leaders committed to take action to address the emergence, spread, and impact of AMR, including through ensuring a successful High-Level Meeting on AMR in September 2024 that galvanizes action on this critical health, economic, and security threat.
Investing in Childcare to Support Women’s Economic Participation
The G7 is tackling the unequal gender distribution of care work, which contributes to gender inequality. The G7 committed to support, by 2035, at least 200 million more women to join the workforce by investing in efforts to close the global gap in the availability of childcare – including through the World Bank Invest in Childcare Initiative announced by First Lady Dr. Jill Biden in 2022 to help promote women’s economic opportunity. G7 partners have contributed more than $100 million to the World Bank to support more high-quality investments in childcare globally.
Enhancing Our Partnership on Migration
Drawn from the principles of the Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and Protection that President Biden launched at the Summit of the Americas in 2022, the G7 affirmed a collective commitment to addressing migration in ways that reflect both the challenges and opportunities it presents. Leaders endorsed a three-pronged approach focused on addressing root causes of irregular migration, strengthening safe and regular migration pathways, and enhancing border management and enforcement and curbing transnational organized crime.
Deepening Cooperation on Artificial Intelligence
In line with the Biden Administration’s vision laid out in the October 2023 Executive Order on the Safe, Secure, and Trustworthy Development and Use of Artificial Intelligence, the G7 is building partnerships around the world to ensure the benefits of artificial intelligence and other technologies are widely shared while mitigating risks.
Bridging Technology Divides and Addressing AI’s Impact on Workers: G7 leaders affirmed the importance of international partnerships to bridge the digital divide and ensure people everywhere access the benefits of AI and other technologies in order to make scientific advancements, promote sustainable development, improve public health, accelerate the clean energy transition, and more. G7 labor ministers will develop an action plan to leverage AI’s potential to increase quality jobs and empower workers while addressing its potential challenges and risks to workers and labor markets.
Increasing Coordination to Promote AI Safety: G7 leaders committed to step up efforts to enhance interoperability between our respective approaches to AI governance and risk management. This includes deepening cooperation between the U.S. AI Safety Institute and similar bodies in other G7 countries to advance international standards for AI development and deployment.
Promoting Resilient Technology Supply Chains: The G7 welcomed the establishment of a Semiconductors G7 Point of Contact Group to bolster our coordination on issues impacting this critical sector underpinning the AI ecosystem.
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JUNE 14, 2024
Readout of President Biden’s Meeting with His Holiness Pope Francis
STATEMENTS AND RELEASES
President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. met with His Holiness Pope Francis today on the margins of the G7 Leaders’ Summit in Apulia, Italy. The leaders emphasized the urgent need for an immediate ceasefire and a hostage deal to get the hostages home and address the critical humanitarian crisis in Gaza. President Biden thanked Pope Francis for the Vatican’s work to address the humanitarian impacts of Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine, including his efforts to help return kidnapped Ukrainian children to their families. President Biden also reaffirmed his deep appreciation for the Pope’s tireless advocacy for the poor and those suffering from persecution, the effects of climate change, and conflict around the world.
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Biden embraces surprised-looking Pope Francis with forehead-to-forehead hug at G7 summit
President Biden embraced a surprised-looking Pope Francis with an intimate forehead-to-forehead hug on Friday during the second day of the G7 summit in Italy.
The 87-year-old pontiff had been wheeled into a room of world leaders to take part in a discussion of issues surrounding artificial intelligence, energy and the Africa-Mediterranean region. He is the first pope ever to attend a G7 gathering.
Other leaders joining the discussion included Argentina President Javier Milei, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.
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G7 Summit 2024: Pope Francis To Become 1st Catholic Church Head To Address G7 Leaders | G18V
CNN-News18
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Pope Francis has arrived in Apulia, Italy, where the Group of Seven leaders are holding their annual summit. The Pope was welcomed by Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni.
Bloomberg Television
Pope greets Biden, Modi at G7 roundtable | VOA News
Readout of President Biden’s Pull Aside with President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan of the United Arab Emirates
STATEMENTS AND RELEASES
Today, President Joseph R. Biden Jr. met with President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan of the United Arab Emirates in Fasano, Italy, at the G7 Leaders’ Summit. The leaders reaffirmed the enduring U.S.-UAE strategic partnership, touched base on economic and technology issues, and discussed regional issues, including Gaza.
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Addressing antimicrobial resistance (AMR): G7 Leaders committed to take action to address the emergence, spread, and impact of AMR, including through ensuring a successful High-Level Meeting on AMR in September 2024 that galvanizes action on this critical health, economic, and security threat.
Investing in Childcare to Support Women’s Economic Participation
The G7 is tackling the unequal gender distribution of care work, which contributes to gender inequality. The G7 committed to support, by 2035, at least 200 million more women to join the workforce by investing in efforts to close the global gap in the availability of childcare – including through the World Bank Invest in Childcare Initiative announced by First Lady Dr. Jill Biden in 2022 to help promote women’s economic opportunity. G7 partners have contributed more than $100 million to the World Bank to support more high-quality investments in childcare globally.
Enhancing Our Partnership on Migration
Drawn from the principles of the Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and Protection that President Biden launched at the Summit of the Americas in 2022, the G7 affirmed a collective commitment to addressing migration in ways that reflect both the challenges and opportunities it presents. Leaders endorsed a three-pronged approach focused on addressing root causes of irregular migration, strengthening safe and regular migration pathways, and enhancing border management and enforcement and curbing transnational organized crime.
Deepening Cooperation on Artificial Intelligence
In line with the Biden Administration’s vision laid out in the October 2023 Executive Order on the Safe, Secure, and Trustworthy Development and Use of Artificial Intelligence, the G7 is building partnerships around the world to ensure the benefits of artificial intelligence and other technologies are widely shared while mitigating risks.
Bridging Technology Divides and Addressing AI’s Impact on Workers: G7 leaders affirmed the importance of international partnerships to bridge the digital divide and ensure people everywhere access the benefits of AI and other technologies in order to make scientific advancements, promote sustainable development, improve public health, accelerate the clean energy transition, and more. G7 labor ministers will develop an action plan to leverage AI’s potential to increase quality jobs and empower workers while addressing its potential challenges and risks to workers and labor markets.
Increasing Coordination to Promote AI Safety: G7 leaders committed to step up efforts to enhance interoperability between our respective approaches to AI governance and risk management. This includes deepening cooperation between the U.S. AI Safety Institute and similar bodies in other G7 countries to advance international standards for AI development and deployment.
Promoting Resilient Technology Supply Chains: The G7 welcomed the establishment of a Semiconductors G7 Point of Contact Group to bolster our coordination on issues impacting this critical sector underpinning the AI ecosystem.
Background Press Call Previewing the President’s Second Day at the G7
Via Teleconference
10:02 A.M. CEST
MODERATOR: Good morning, and thanks for joining us on today’s background call to preview the second day of the G7.
Our senior administration official on today’s call is [senior administration official] here at the NSC. He has a few words here at the top, and then we’ll get through some of your questions.
So, over to you, [senior administration official].
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Great. Thanks so much. So I’ll start off by noting the announcement President Biden made yesterday. As you all know, President Biden and Ukrainian President Zelenskyy signed a historic U.S.-Ukraine bilateral security agreement reflecting the close partnership between our two democracies. The United States sent a powerful signal of our strong support for Ukraine, now and into the future.
Now, turning to today, President Biden this morning will participate in a bilateral meeting with Prime Minister Meloni. They’ll have an opportunity to discuss a range of topics, including of course Ukraine, where Prime Minister Meloni has been very strong and supporting Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
And of course with Italy’s leadership of the G7, there was also an important announcement yesterday on unlocking the value of the proceeds from Russian sovereign assets for the benefit of Ukraine. And I am sure they will discuss developments in Ukraine as well.
There will be an opportunity to discuss the PRC, as well, and the troubling support that the PRC has provided in terms of dual-use equipment and goods to Russia to advance Russia’s defense industrial base — things like optics, nitrocellulose, microelectronics, the sorts of items that go directly to the production of armaments that are used not just in Ukraine but that pose a long-term threat to the security of Europe.
That is something that is of concern to all of the G7 countries, and so I think we’ll have an opportunity to discuss this as well, as well as the transatlantic relationship, as we are now just about a month out — a little less than a month out from the Washington summit, the NATO Summit. Of course, Italy is a strong partner in NATO, and they’ll have an opportunity to discuss some of the outcomes of that summit.
I would expect that there’ll be an opportunity as well to discuss the Middle East and specifically Israel-Gaza, where, again, Prime Minister Meloni has been a strong partner. She has endorsed the President’s plan for ending the war. And so, there’ll be an opportunity to get into that as well.
And then finally, I think the other topic that possibly could come up or that may come up are the recent European elections. I’m sure you all are tracking the elections from the 6th to the 9th of June across Europe. Prime Minister Meloni’s party did rather well, coming in first in Italy. And so now there will be a reset of the top European institutions, including the European Parliament, the European Commission, the European Council. All of that will get underway in the coming days and weeks. And so I think the leaders will have an opportunity to get into some of that.
Following that, the President will have an opportunity to meet with His Holiness Pope Francis later this afternoon, or early evening. And there, I expect that some of the topics that they’ll have an opportunity to discuss will be largely similar. I would expect there will be a discussion of Ukraine where the Holy See has been actively engaged. Cardinal Zuppi, in particular, has been an envoy working to return Ukrainian children who have been forcibly deported across the border, separated from their families. Of course, it’s one of the huge tragedies of this war.
And the Holy See has also been engaged in trying to promote a peace agreement. And Cardinal Parolin, if I understand correctly, will be the Vatican’s representative to the Switzerland peace conference that will kick off this Saturday, where Vice President Harris will represent the United States.
I would expect with Pope Francis that the President will also have an opportunity to discuss the Middle East and then also the issues of artificial intelligence and climate change, which are issues that are of great concern and interest to Pope Francis but also to the United States.
And I’ll just say on AI, I think we are both interested in responsible use of artificial intelligence, preserving human dignity and human rights. And so they’ll have a chance to get into that. That’s also going to be one of the topics at today’s G7 plenary session, with the participation of Pope Francis, and then also climate change, which is an issue that is near and dear to both leaders.
Of course, the President’s plan for adaptation and resilience, which was launched in November of 2021, is an important effort to deal with climate change, as is the multilateral Loss and Damage Fund to which the United States has contributed $17.5 million, an important effort to mitigate some of the effects of climate change.
That’s largely where I see those two conversations going. Of course, I can’t tell you for sure what they’ll discuss. Those are the likely topics.
But I think I’ll pause now and take any questions that you all might have.
MODERATOR: Awesome. Thank you. Our first question will go to Tyler Pager with the Washington Post.
Q Thanks. I wanted to ask you about abortion and whether the President plans to bring it up with Prime Minister Meloni. You know, there’s some reporting that there’s been disagreements over how that will manifest in the communiqué. And curious if you can just tell us what the latest update there is and whether the President plans to raise the issue today in his bilateral meeting.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: So, I’m not aware of an intention to discuss that topic. I can tell you that the G7 communiqué is going to be agreed by consensus by all G7 countries. And I’ll just leave it at that.
Anyone else?
MODERATOR: James with the Financial Times.
Q Hey there. Good morning. I was wondering if you could talk about the Indo-Pacific session and to what extent is there going to be much stronger language on, you know, calling out China for enabling Russia’s war in Ukraine.
And also, if there’s going to be anything more concrete in terms of economic coercion by China and overcapacity, and if the G7 is going to take more concrete steps against China on the economic front as well as the national security front.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: So this is, as you know, an important topic for all of the G7 countries and leaders. And indeed, there will be an opportunity to discuss the issue of the PRC’s support for the Russian defense industrial base, which, as I said earlier, is a critical issue not just in terms of the support and how it translates into Russia’s offensive war machine against Ukraine, but also in terms of some of these systems that it helps to develop the capabilities, missiles, artillery, and whatnot that will pose a long-term threat to Europe’s security and is of concern to all members of the G7.
And then also, as you mentioned, the issue of overcapacity is also an issue of concern to all of the G7 leaders, including subsidies that China provides, as well as unfair market practices that impact trade with all of the G7 partners.
So this will certainly be an issue that is raised in the communiqué and that has been discussed and will be discussed among the G7.
MODERATOR: AJ with Bloomberg.
Q Good morning. Can you say if there will be any bilat with Modi of India?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: I am not aware. No.
Q Is there a particular reason why some of those bilats were chosen and other leaders are not getting meetings?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Look, these trips, there’s always a lot of leaders and very little time. Most of the day is spent up with participation in the G7 sessions, the plenary sessions, where obviously all of the G7 leaders are present and they have a robust discussion there.
At this particular G7, Prime Minister Meloni has invited a range of other leaders, as you know, including the Turkish president, the Kenyan president, and a number of others. And so, there are opportunities for some bilats on the margins. Pope Francis is obviously one of the guests as well. But there’s very little time, and so we have prioritized just a few bilateral meetings.
And, of course, yesterday’s historic bilateral security agreement signing with President Zelenskyy, which really capped off an intense day of meetings here at the G7.
Q Sam, we’re sharing a cell phone, so I’m going to hand my phone over to Andrea from Reuters. And she might pass it to someone else. Hang on.
Q Hey. Hello. Hey, thanks for doing this. So I wanted to follow up on the previous question from James about what the G7 — so in addition to discussing China, are there specific measures that you can share or maybe language from the communiqué about what — you know, the response both on the industrial overcapacity and also on the sanctions front?
And then, I wanted to ask on the debt component. This is an issue that’s often been raised by the Pope. I wonder if that’s going to come up in the bilat with the Pope.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Yeah, on the latter question, you know, I don’t know. It may. Obviously, debt overhang is an important issue for a lot of the developing world. It may or may not come up; I just can’t tell you.
But in terms of the language in the communiqué, which I don’t have in front of me, but certainly the issue of overcapacity. China’s support for subsidies, I should say, for electric vehicles, lithium-ion batteries, solar panels, and other items have contributed to overcapacity in just about every Western market, and it’s of concern to all of the G7 countries. So that will be reflected in the communiqué. And then actions that will follow from that will be taken individually by G7 countries.
You’ve seen what — some of the actions that the United States has taken. You’ve seen the European Union also take action. So there is a common concern.
Q Great. Somebody else want a question? Okay.
MODERATOR: We’re good?
Q Yeah, we’re good.
MODERATOR: Great. Thank you both. Our next question will go to Colleen with AP.
Q Hi there. Good morning. So, I wanted to ask two questions. One is: There’s apparently some criticism that Biden didn’t attend the main dinner last night with the other leaders. I just — you know, can you just speak generally about how the President chooses to attend events?
And then, my second question is related to Tyler’s question. I just wondered if you can talk a little bit about the discussion over how to word the communiqué, whether there was concern on the U.S. side, in particular given, you know, the battle over abortion rights in the U.S. I know you were saying that you feel comfortable with the communiqué, how the communiqué will come out, but I just wondered if you could talk a little bit more about, you know, from the U.S. side, the level of importance on the language surrounding it.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: So, again, on the communiqué, this is language that is going to be agreed consensually, which is how these communiqués get done, by all of the G7. As I recall, the language in this year’s communiqué will endorse the language that appeared in the last G7 Summit in Hiroshima, which had some extensive language on sexual and reproductive health rights. So you can look at that language, and that’ll give you a preview of what is going to appear in this year’s communiqué as well. Again, that’s consensual language among all the G7.
As for the schedule, you know, look, I don’t have any sort of magic formula to share with you. As I said earlier, these are very intense days filled with lots of meetings. And we try to see as many leaders as possible. It’s obviously impossible to see everybody who’s here, so we prioritize the best we can.
As for last night, as you know, we capped off the day rather late at night with a historic bilateral security agreement that was preceded by a bilateral between President Biden and President Zelenskyy that was of — you know, I don’t think this is hyperbole to say — of historic significance. It’s a 10-year agreement that sets out our cooperation on security and defense, on supporting Ukraine’s economic and governance reforms, on building a just and lasting peace, and on ensuring that there’s accountability in this war for Russia’s actions and aggression. That was a big deal. And that’s what capped off our day yesterday evening.
AIDE: And, Sam, I think we have time for one more before he has to go to the bilat.
MODERATOR: Great. Our last question will go to Paolo with La Repubblica.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Hi, Paolo. Go ahead.
MODERATOR: Paolo, we can’t seem to hear you. So we will go on to Peter Nicholas with NBC.
Q Hi. Thank you very much for doing this. With respect to the 10-year security agreement, if there’s a different president in place in January 2025, is that president bound by this 10-year agreement, or can he cast that aside if he chooses?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, this is an executive agreement. It is intended to show the United States’ steadfast support for Ukraine over the 10-year period. So it is structured in a way that it has both near-term goals in terms of training and equipping, but then also in terms of support for institutional reform.
We certainly intend to make good on what is included in this agreement because it is in the interest of the United States to support Ukraine’s democratic trajectory, to support its economic reforms and reconstruction, but also to defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity. That’s the aim of the agreement.
But to your point, it is an executive agreement between the United States and Ukraine.
Q And I have a quick follow-up question. President Biden told Time Magazine that when he travels abroad, he often hears from his counterparts consternation about possibility of former President Trump returning to power. Has he gotten those questions or inquiries at this G7, or has any member of — have members of the American delegation gotten those sorts of questions and inquiries about the election and about the possibility of Trump’s return?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: I can just speak for myself in the meetings that I’ve been in, and I have not heard this topic come up in my time here.
MODERATOR: Thank you. Thank you, everyone, again for joining us. As a reminder, this call was held on background, attributable to a senior administration official. If we weren’t able to get to you, as always reach out, and we’ll try to have more folks for you to hear from later today. Thanks, everyone.
Readout of President Joe Biden’s Meeting with Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni of Italy
STATEMENTS AND RELEASES
President Joseph R. Biden met today with Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni of Italy in Apulia, Italy to deepen the U.S.-Italy partnership across a range of vital security, economic, and regional issues. President Biden commended Prime Minister Meloni for Italy’s steadfast support for Ukraine as it continues to defend itself from Russia’s brutal war of aggression, including Italy’s critical security assistance. President Biden and Prime Minister Meloni welcomed the unanimous commitment by G7 leaders to provide $50 billion in additional financial support to Ukraine using the proceeds of immobilized Russian sovereign assets. They also agreed to continue to pursue all available options to impose further costs on Russia and those who support Russia’s war machine. They also discussed their respective efforts to enhance mutual economic security and respond to economic coercion. The two leaders discussed the importance of two-way trade and investment to enhance economic prosperity. President Biden and Prime Minister Meloni also highlighted the urgent need to secure a hostage deal and a ceasefire in Gaza, and emphasized the importance of Hamas taking a constructive approach to that process.
MODERATOR: Okay, thanks everyone. I think we’re all set. I’ll turn it over to our senior administration official in a second, but just sharing that we will now have an embargo on this call to about 3:30 p.m. Central. We’ll send another note letting everyone know whenever it lifts.
But for your awareness, not for your reporting, the senior administration official on today’s background call is [senior administration official]. He’ll give a few words here at the top about the Russian sovereign assets, and then we’ll have time to take one or two questions.
Thanks, everyone.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Yeah, thanks, everybody, for joining. I’ll say a few words at the top on the sovereign assets, the (inaudible) deal, and then happy to take any questions that you have.
(Inaudible) — (in progress) — every G7 member that the situation on the battlefield remains difficult and that if the war continues, Ukraine is still going to have a large financial need next year and beyond, and that this summit is our best chance to act collectively to close the gap. And it’s only fair that we close the gap by making Russia pay, not our taxpayers. And we found a way to do so that respects the rule of law in every jurisdiction; it raises money at scale — $50 billion, to be precise, this year. We’re going to move with urgency. And we’re going to maintain solidarity, which has been our greatest strength.
But I would say, more fundamentally — and President Zelenskyy will probably speak to this in a couple of minutes here — this agreement is a signal from the leading democracies of the world that we’re not going to fatigue in defending Ukraine’s freedom and that Putin is not going to outlast us.
Let me just stop there. I know you have questions, so please jump in.
Q Hey, it’s Andrea here from Reuters. Can you tell us what — you said two things. You said, “We have a deal” and “We’re on the cusp of a deal.” So is it decided? And also, can you say what the amount will be? Was there agreement on the $50 billion? And will you — you know, or is that still something that needs to be worked out?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Yeah. Fair enough, Andrea. I think the leaders’ communiqué has not yet been released. That’s why I hedge my words very slightly. We have political agreement at the highest levels for this deal to happen. And it is $50 billion this year that will be committed to Ukraine.
Q Great. Can I ask a follow-up question? So can you walk us through some of the mechanics as they exist now? Who will loan the money and how will it be backed up?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Let me try to hit — I mean, I think I probably can guess some of your questions. And they’re totally — they’re the right questions.
Okay, like, how did this get done? I mean, honestly, the hard part is not so much the idea. There are infinite ways to extract the present value of future cash flows. That’s finance 101. (Inaudible) diplomacy — the sausage making of diplomacy is hard enough domestically. It’s an order of magnitude more difficult multilaterally. But the President and Jake Sullivan really had leadership, and we executed across borders.
In terms of who makes the loan, we’ve said the U.S. is willing to make a loan of up to $50 billion. We will not be the only lenders. This will be a loan syndicate. We’re going to share the risk because we have a shared commitment to get this done.
How will — I’ll just ask myself some questions. Are we going to get repaid? Russia pays. So the interest — the income comes from the interest stream on the immobilized assets. And that’s the only fair way to be repaid. The principal is untouched for now, but we have full optionality to seize the principal later if the political will is there. You’ll see a line in the communiqué that makes it clear that option is still on the table.
How will we know the assets are going to remain immobilized? I mean, my answer to that is: Because leaders have committed to do so. And they’ve also committed to seek approval from the full membership of the EU to get another blessing. And I would say when you have a commitment at the highest political levels, technocrats act and technical details get worked out.
Let’s see. What if there’s a peace settlement and the assets are no longer immobilized? Well, look, a just and sustained peace is, of course, what we all want. And G7 leaders have committed that the assets will remain immobilized until Russia pays for the damages it’s caused. So if there is a peace settlement, either the assets stay immobilized and keep generating interest to repay the loans, or Russia pays for the damage it’s caused. Either way, there’s a source of repayment.
And let me stop talking to myself and listen to you, if you have more questions.
Q I do. Can you explain, you know, how did you move past the resistance that was reported there from France, Germany, and some of the others?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Leadership and stamina. You know, we had backing at the very top of our political system. President Biden and Jake Sullivan in particular deserve credit. And we just worked this for years. I mean, if you go — if you want to go through the tick-tock of this, it goes back pretty close to the beginning of when we immobilized these assets in the first place, two years ago.
And, I mean, I would say — what I said at the top is what was clear to every leader — what is clear to every leader in the room that signed up to this communiqué, which is: The situation on the battlefield is still very difficult. That means there’s going to be a large financial need, even after our supplemental and even after the EU 50-billion-euro facility. And that, you know, it’s very simple: Russia should pay the loan. And this is our — this is our best chance as a G7 to act together.
And we found a way. I mean, we did have to be creative. We floated I don’t know how many ideas. But ultimately, we found an idea that respected every jurisdiction’s red line; it respected every jurisdiction’s rule of law. And it still raised money at scale, at speed, and with solidarity. And that’s what we have announced today.
AIDE: Andrea, I think we’ve got a lot more people with questions, so we’re going to pass it back.
MODERATOR: Thanks. Our next question will go to Josh from Bloomberg.
Q Hey there. Thanks for doing this. Can you just zero in on the question of the mechanics? How many individual loans are we talking about? And is it accurate that it’s not clear how much the U.S. contribution will be and that the U.S. (inaudible) bring about $50 billion, or whatever the sum of the other contributions is?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Yeah, hi, Josh. I’m not going to speak for other delegations. I mean, they really — it’s for them to say if they’re going to contribute to the loan. But what you’ll see in the communiqué, just to give you a preview, is that there will be loans, plural. So I can assure you the United States will not be the only lender in this syndicate.
As I mentioned at the top, we, the U.S., are willing to provide up to $50 billion of the loan. And that’s why we know the number will be at least — will be $50 billion. Whether other delegations make commitments in public today, I’m not sure. But as they do so, you’ll see that our number is probably — is certainly going to be somewhat less than 50 and maybe significantly less, because the idea here is to share risk. And I think getting the $50 billion is really important, but equally important is having a shared commitment. And the loan syndicate is kind of a technocratic expression of that commitment that’s being shared.
Q Any thought that (inaudible) more on this will allow you to do it through (inaudible) congressional approval?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: I’m sorry, Josh, that cut out a bit. I think you’re asking about, like, can we have — what kind of scoring situation will this —
Q Yeah.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: You can think of this as a secured loan. It’s secured with the interest that’s generated from the immobilization of the assets. And so, because there’s now a commitment to keep the assets immobilized, that means there’s a commitment to keep the income stream flowing. There are scenarios in which that income stream may not flow. But even in those circumstances, there would be a reparation payment, and that can also be a source of repayment.
So we’re covered. We feel like this is a very prudent structure that allows us to manage risk with other partners in a way that’s going to be, I think, successful for Ukraine and gives the signal that we’re all — you know, we’re all giving Ukraine a psychological boost. We’re giving it an inflection point in this conflict by demonstrating that we’re not going to fatigue no matter what happens in elections anywhere across the world.
MODERATOR: Thank you. Our next question will go to Selina with ABC.
Q Hi. Thanks so much for doing this. I just have a couple of questions. Just number one, could you just kind of do a little bit more detail about concerns that some of the European countries had and just how you convinced them to sign on to this?
And secondly, is the primary purpose of these funds to be used for rebuilding the economy? For defense? All the above?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: So, I mean, I think the most convincing argument to every other delegation is: While there may be costs and risks to providing this loan, all policy decisions need to be weighed against the counterfactual. What’s the alternative? And if Ukraine was insufficiently financed to win this war, what would be the chilling effect it would cause across Europe and the rest of the world? What would be the signal to autocrats that they can redraw borders by force? Those are the costs I think we all agree were unacceptable. And that’s why we acted.
Q Sorry, what about the second question in terms of the primary use of the funds for rebuilding the economy?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: I’m sorry, I didn’t hear that. Sure.
So that’s kind of a — I don’t mean to be glib. There’ll be multiple distribution channels for the money with multiple destinations, by which I mean military support, budget support, humanitarian support, reconstruction support. These will all be destinations for the funds that we generate.
And, you know, here we’ve created flexibility in this structure. There are certain jurisdictions that prefer to send their money to budget support and to reconstruction. There are others that prefer to have their money earmarked, especially now, to military support. And both — all of those distribution channels are reinforcing money is fungible.
MODERATOR: Thank you. Our next question will go to David Sanger with the New York Times.
AIDE: David, are you on? Okay, seems like we should move on.
Q Hi, it’s Colleen from the AP. I’m wondering if we could talk a little bit about when Ukraine can expect to start seeing the funds.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Yeah. So you’ll see in the communiqué that the disbursals will begin this year. I can’t give you a specific date because there are some next steps that need to be taken. For example, the EU-27 needs to enshrine this action. We need to write contracts between the lender; the recipient, of course Ukraine; and intermediaries. So I mentioned distribution channels; those are the intermediaries, and there will be multiple intermediaries.
And then we have to work out the disbursal schedule. And the disbursal schedule needs to be at a pace that Ukraine can effectively absorb and direct to its highest priorities. So that’s going to take some time.
But as I mentioned, this is not an initiative that is indefinitely (inaudible) —
Q Can you repeat that last thing?
Q Sorry. We’re having a hard time hearing you. Sorry.
AIDE: Is the Internet cutting out?
Q We hear you now. The Internet was cutting out.
AIDE: Okay, I’m going to pass the phone back, and we’ll try this again.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Should I repeat the answer to the last question?
Q Yeah. So I heard you up until you said there’s a disbursal schedule and that’s going to take some time. And then we started to lose you after that.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Oh, I see. Okay.
So I was describing the next steps. The next steps are to enshrine the communiqué commitments with the EU-27, the full membership. Then we need to write contracts between the lenders — and I emphasize plural; the recipient, which is Ukraine; and the intermediaries, and there’ll be multiple intermediaries. And then we have to agree on a disbursal schedule because we need to ensure that the disbursals can be effectively absorbed by Ukraine and that they can be directed to their highest priority uses.
But again, I don’t mean to make it sound as though this is going to take years. The commitment is to be ready to disburse $50 billion this calendar year.
Q Can you just clarify that please? Is it all 50 this calendar year, or is it just the portion that the U.S. is able to disburse? Because I understand that we have legal authority to disburse some of the money but not all. Can you also explain in terms of, you know, what is that authority? Where does that come from? Is it related to the REPO Act? I guess I still am not clear in terms of the disbursement and the legal requirements around it, and the guarantee.
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Yeah, so — sure. Sure.
So we have we have loan authority already. USAID has loan authority already established from Congress. There’s not a set schedule that is required or a capped amount. But we have decided that we can provide up to $50 billion.
I didn’t answer your question precisely on when the last payment will be made because it depends — it does depend on how — the pace at which Ukraine can absorb the money effectively.
So while we’re availa- — while we have $50 billion that we could make available this year, that depends on our judgment as to how effectively Ukraine can absorb it. And every jurisdiction that’s making a loan has to go through the same process.
So the money will be available. There’s no constraint on that basis. We will begin disbursing this year, but I can’t say that the endpoint of the disbursals will be in 2024. Is that clear?
Q Yes. And can you address just in terms of guaranteeing that these loans will be immobilized? Because as I understand, the EU needs to renew sanctions regime every six months to keep these assets immobilized. So how have leaders agreed on that issue?
SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Well, you’re right about the mechanics. But we have confidence because European leaders — Germany, France, Italy, the European Commission, President of the European Council — they’ve committed to do so and to seek approval from the full membership of the EU to get that blessing. And when you have commitment at the highest political levels, you know, that is what gives us confidence that these assets are going to remain immobilized, the income will continue to flow, and we will be repaid either from the income itself or through reparations with Russia.
MODERATOR: That’s all the time we have. Thanks, everyone. And again, this is embargoed until 3:30 p.m. This was on background to a senior administration official. Thanks again.
END
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JUNE 13, 2024
Remarks by President Biden and President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of Ukraine in Joint Press Conference | Fasano, Italy
Hotel Masseria San Domenico
Fasano, Italy
8:47 P.M. CEST
PRESIDENT BIDEN: Good evening, everyone. Last year at the NATO summit in Lithuania, the United States brought together every member of the G7 to sign a Joint Declaration of Support for Ukraine. Twenty-five additional countries joined us quickly. Each agreed to forge long-term bilateral commitments to — with Ukraine.
President Zelenskyy and I have just now signed that agreement between the United States and Ukraine. Our goal is to strengthen Ukraine’s credible defense and deterrence capabilities for the long term. A lasting peace for Ukraine must be underwritten by Ukraine’s own ability to defend itself now and to deter future aggression anytime in the — in the future.
The United States is going to help ensure that Ukraine can do both, not by sending American troops to fight in Ukraine but by providing weapons and ammunition; expanding intelligence-sharing; continuing to train brave Ukrainian troops at bases in Europe and the United States; enhancing interoperability between our militaries in line with NATO standards; investing in Ukraine’s defense industrial base so in time — in time they can supply their own weapons and munitions; working with Ukraine’s partners to build a future force that is strong, sustainable, and resilient; and supporting Ukraine’s economic recovery as well as its energy recovery after Russia has repeatedly targeted Ukraine’s energy grid with massive attacks in a futile attempt to break the will of the Ukrainian people. All these lines of efforts and others are laid out in this agreement.
Additionally, the G7 achieved a significant outcome this week on the matter of Russia’s frozen assets in Europe and other places outside of — outside of Russia.
Back in 2022, two days after Russia’s invasion, members of the G7 and the European Union worked together to freeze $280 billion in Russian Central Bank funds outside of Russia.
I’m very pleased to share that, this week — this week, the G7 signed a plan to finalize and unlock $50 billion from the proceeds of those frozen assets, to put that money to work for Ukraine. Another reminder to Putin: We’re not backing down. In fact, we’re standing together against this illegal aggression.
The agreement that President Zelenskyy and I just signed also lays out our shared vision for a just peace, a peace rooted in the U.N. Charter and the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity, a peace with a broad base of support around the world that holds Russia accountable for the damage it has done in this war.
We will see this vision strongly affirmed at the historic peace conference happening in Switzerland this weekend, where Vice President Harris will represent the United States.
Finally, this agreement accelerates Ukraine’s integration into the European and Atlantic — trans-Atlantic communities. It includes major commitments from Ukraine to impact — to — excuse me — to implement democratic, economic, and security reforms in line with the European Union’s accession goals and NATO’s programs of reforms.
While we take this step, the United States is also intensifying pressure on Russia. Yesterday, the U.S. Treasury Department made clear any bank anywhere in the world that deals with sanctioned Russian banks, companies, or individuals risks being sanctioned themselves.
And we announced roughly 300 new sanctions on individuals and companies that are helping Russia’s war effort. They include key parts of Russia’s financial sector —
(An aircraft is heard.) I’ll wait until it goes over.
— as well as individual and entities that supply Russia with items critical to its defense production, like microecolo- — like microelectronics, machine tools, and industrial materials.
We also — we also sanctioned more Russian future energy projects that — Russia’s natural gas and oil projects that are under construction and are not yet fully operating. Putin is counting on revenues from those projects. Our sanctions will disrupt those plans.
Plus, at the G7, we discussed our shared concern about countries like China re- — re- — who are supplying Russia with materials they need for their war machine. And we agreed to taking collective action to push back against that activity.
Let me close with this. We’ve taken three major steps at the G7 that collectively show Putin we cannot — he cannot wait us out, he cannot divide us, and we will be with Ukraine until they prevail in this war.
First is the bilateral security agreement just signed. Second, a historic agreement to provide $50 billion in value from Russian sovereign assets to Ukraine. And third, an agreement to ensure our sanctions efforts disrupt third countries that are supplying Russia’s war efforts. That will increase pressure on the Russian economy.
Collectively, this is a powerful set of actions, and it will create a stronger foundation for Ukraine’s success.
Two and a half years ago, Putin unleashed a brutal war on Ukraine. And it’s been a horrifying ordeal for the Ukrainian people that are so brave and incredible. It also been a test t- — for the world: Would we stand with Ukraine? Would we stand for sovereignty, freedom, and against tyranny?
The United States, the G7, and countries around the world have consistently answered the question by saying, “Yes, we will.” And we will say it again. Yes, again and again and again, we’re going to stand with Ukraine.
And thank you. And I now yield to my friend from Ukraine, the President.
PRESIDENT ZELENSKYY: Thank you so much, Mr. President Biden, dear President; dear journalists; dear Ukrainians; dear Americans. And thank you so much. Thanks, Italy and Giorgia, to — for an invitation.
Dear friends, today is a truly historic day. And we have signed the strongest agreement between Ukraine and the U.S. since our independence. And this is an agreement on security and thus on the protection of human life. This is an agreement on cooperation and thus on how our nations will become stronger. This is an agreement on steps to guarantee sustainable peace, and, therefore, it benefits everyone in the world because the Russian war against Ukraine is a real, real global threat.
I thank you very much, Mr. President, for your leadership, which is reflected, in particular, in this agreement and in your years of support for Ukraine. I thank our teams — both teams. Thanks very much for making sure that the details of the agreement are really good.
And, of course, I want to thank every — every Ukrainian soldier, all our people, whose courage made this level of alliance between Ukraine and the United States possible.
And I am proud of our people and what Ukraine can do. And I am very grateful to all Americans, to everyone in America who strengthens American leadership.
So, under the points of the agreement, first, the agreement contains a very detailed, legally binding part, and this means that credibility of American support for our Ukrainian independence.
Secondly, security commitments from the United States are based, among other things, on the sustainability of security and defense support not only for the duration of this war but also — also for the period of peace after the war. And we will definitely ensure peace.
Third, it clearly states that America supports Ukraine’s efforts to win this war.
Fourth, the agreement has good provisions on weapons for our defense, very specifically on the Patriot systems, very specifically on the supply of fighter squadrons to Ukraine — that’s right, plural “squadrons” — including but not limited to F-16s. We have worked for a long time for these.
The agreement is also very specific about the supply of the necessary weapons, joint production, and strengthening of the defense industries of our countries through our cooperation. And this is something that will not only provide security but also new, good jobs for Ukrainians and Americans.
The agreement also outlines what is needed in terms of intelligence information. The agreement contains key aspects of protecting the lives of our people.
Fifth, it is very important that the agreement also addresses the issue of Russia’s just responsibility for this war and its attempts to destroy Ukrainians. America supports both fair compensation for the damage caused by Russian strikes and working out ways to ensure that frozen Russian assets are used to protect and rebuild Ukraine.
The agreement also includes sanctions and export controls that will make Russia feel the pain for what it is doing against the freedom of peoples.
And two more things. I am grateful that the philosophy of our security agreement is, in fact, the philosophy of the Alliance. And that is why the issue of NATO is covered through the text of the agreement. It states that America supports Ukraine’s future — future membership in NATO and recognizes that our security agreement is a bridge to Ukraine’s member- — membership in NATO.
It is very important for all Ukrainians and for all Europeans to know that there will be no security deficit in Europe, which tempts the aggressor to war and makes the future uncertain.
Now we are clearly defining everything. We will cooperate — cooperate for the sake of victory, make peace guarantees effective, and provide the necessary security for our people.
And thank you, Mr. President, for your leadership in the G7’s decision on $50 billion loan for Ukraine. It’s a vital step forward in providing sustainable support for Ukraine in winning this war.
Russian immobilized assets should be used for defending lives of Ukrainians from Russian terror and for repaying the damage aggressor caused to Ukraine. It’s fair and absolutely right.
Mr. President, thank you, your team. I would also like to thank the United States Congress for their support — both parties, both chambers.
Thank you. And thanks to every American heart that does not betray freedom and supports us.
Slava Ukraini. (Applause.)
PRESIDENT BIDEN: Now what we’ll do is — we’re each going to take two questions from American reporters and two — a qu- — a question each from two American reporters and a question each from two Ukrainian supporter- — reporters.
The first — the first person I’m to call on is Colleen Long with the Associated Press.
Q Thank you. Thanks, Mr. President.
About two weeks ago, you changed course to allow Ukraine to fire U.S. weapons into Russia. Given the reported successes, would you consider further expanding the parameters on U.S. weapons into Russia even despite your concerns about escalation?
And on the news from home. You’re going through something that so many American families go through — the intersection of addiction and the criminal justice system — but you’re not like most families. Was your son able to get a fair trial? Do you believe the Justice Department operated independently of politics?
And for President —
PRESIDENT BIDEN: Let me answer your question —
Q Okay.
PRESIDENT BIDEN: — then you ask his question. Okay?
Q Okay.
PRESIDENT BIDEN: With regard to the first question, it is clear that the near abroad, meaning just across the — the line of the — the border with Russia and Ukraine, that it makes a lot of sense for Ukraine to be able to take out or combat what is coming across that border. In terms of long- — long-range weapons — longer-range weapons into the interior of Russia, we have not changed our position on that sort.
With regard to the question regarding the family, I’m extremely proud of my son Hunter. He has overcome an addiction. He is — he’s one of the brightest, most decent men I know. And I am satisfied that — I’m not going to do anything. I sa- — I said I’d abide by the jury decision, and I will do that. And I will not pardon him.
Q President Zelenskyy, a number of leaders here in Italy, including President Biden, are facing upcoming election challenges. How will the security agreement signed tonight and the other promises of support continue if they are not in office? And what’s your contingency plan if they don’t?
PRESIDENT ZELENSKYY: (As interpreted.) Thank you for this question (inaudible). First and foremost, I’d like to thank the people of — of the nations. First and foremost, to the United States, to the countries in Europe and other — on other continents who have supported us since the very beginning of — of — the beginning of this absolutely unjust war of Russia against the people of Ukraine.
That — and that is — they — they’ve been killing people that — homes and territory, all that is very important. It is part of life. But first and foremost, we are speaking about people and lives of people, you understand. And this war was unjust since the very beginning, the war of this evil, whose name is Putin — the war against the people of Ukraine. And he has killed so many people.
To — to say that it is not him, and it — there was a military man who did it — the last one is just an instrument of his. And he’s playing this instrument.
And therefore, it is important for us that, since the very beginning, we were supported by people, by nations, because they understood that we share common values. We simply want to live, and the people understood. They imagined what will happen if such evil attacks them. And therefore, we were supported by people.
And I thank President Biden and other leaders who, since the very beginning of the invasion — Putin’s invasion — started to support us. They — based on their values, they — they were — based on the voice of their people. And it is impossible without people.
And I am sure that this nation chooses leaders and presidents. And it seems to me that no matter whom the nation chooses, first and foremost, it seems to me that everything depends on the unity within this or that state. And if the people are with us, any leader will be with us in this struggle for freedom.
PRESIDENT BIDEN: Do you want to call on a Ukrainian reporter?
PRESIDENT ZELENSKYY: Yeah, yeah. Yeah. With pleasure. Thank you so much.
(As interpreted.) Yes, please Inter. Irina Ivanova, Inter TV channel.
Q (Inaudible) both leaders. So, today, during the G7 meeting, the discussion focused on developing Ukraine’s air defense system based on the most advanced Western complexes and also on enhancing long-range capabilities. So, my question is: Can you provide any details on the initiative and about the readiness of our allies to take part in it? Thank you.
PRESIDENT BIDEN: I’d be happy to respond to that. We have acquired commitment from five countries so far for Patriot batteries and other air defense systems as well as we let it be known to those countries that are expecting from us air defense systems in the future that they’re going to have to wait. Everything we have is going to go to Ukraine until their needs are met. And then we will make good on the commitments we made to other countries.
PRESIDENT ZELENSKYY: I think President Biden already answered your question. Really, he knows and all our other partners, they know that urgently we need seven Patriot systems — yes, to save our cities — not all of them; it’s a pity — but urgently seven. And we discussed the possibility of having five of them, it’s true. But the partners work on it.
It doesn’t mean that tomorrow we will have these five systems, but we see, in the closest future, good result for Ukraine.
PRESIDENT BIDEN: You’ll have some relatively quickly.
American reporter. Josh Winegrove [Wingrove], Bloomberg.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. I have a question for Mr. — or President Zelenskyy shortly on the announcements. But if you don’t mind, I’d like to ask you about your discussions on the situation in Gaza here at the summit. You were asked just a short time ago about it, after the skydiving demonstration. Can you give us your assessment of Hamas’s response? And do you believe that they are trying to work towards a deal, or is this response working against a deal? And what is your message to allies, including those here at the G7, about what more, if anything, the U.S. can do to drive towards a peace agreement? Thank you.
PRESIDENT BIDEN: I wish you guys would, a little, play by the — by the rules a little bit.
I’m here to talk about a critical situation in Ukraine. You’re asking me another subje- — I’ll be happy to answer it in detail later. But the bottom line is that we’ve made an agreeme- — I’ve laid out an — an approach that has been endorsed by the U.N. Security Council, by the G7, by the Israelis, and the — the biggest hang-up so far is Hamas refusing to sign on even though they have submitted something similar.
Whether it ha- — now to — comes to fruition remains to be seen. We’re going to continue to push. I don’t have a final answer for you.
Q And to President Biden’s point, a question about today’s discussions.
President Zelenskyy, the $50 billion today — you’ve had the supplemental, of course, from the U.S. Con- — Congress recently. Can you give us an assessment of the situation on the battlefield right now? And what has been given now, how long will this get you in terms of either stopping the Russian advance or making headway on this? And how long will it last you if, indeed, future leaders or current leaders are unable to reach consensus on further aid packages?
And President Biden, I’d welcome your assessment of the situation currently on the battlefield and what difference the supplemental has made as well, sir.
Thank you.
PRESIDENT ZELENSKYY: (As interpreted.) Thank you for your question. Indeed, we were expecting the fundamental package of this support was in the Congress of the United States of America. And truly, it was a long pause for our warriors, first and foremost, but it is important and we are grateful that, in the very end, we have this supplement, and this will for sure strengthen our warriors.
Yes, this has given the opportunity to the enemy within this pause to try to occupy Kharkiv, but that attempt was stopped by our warriors. They were repelled — the enemy was repelled. And we, despite everything, disrupted all their plans. And it seems to me that that is the most important thing.
What this supplement that will arrive gives us: It enables us to fully equip the reserves — those guys, those brigades that are ready — so that they provide for the opportunity to rotate our units on the battlefield so that they can have some rest so that the brigades can regenerate so that other brigades enter the battlefield instead of them with equipment. This is what the supplement gives them.
So, the raise of morale but also the raise of strength of our brigades. And it seems to me that this is the most important.
For how long this will be enough — look, we, without package, have been holding the lines for eight months, and the Russians had no successes. And, therefore, the question on for how long it will be enough — no, I think the question has to be for how long the unity will last — the unity in the United States together with the European leaders, how these or those elections will influence this unity.
It seems to me that we should look on this exactly this way: to preserve unity, to preserve the integrity of the world — integrity of the democratic world. Because if Ukraine does not withstand, the democracy of many countries will not be able to withstand — and I’m sure of that.
PRESIDENT BIDEN: By the way, the idea that we had to wait until we passed the legislation overall, being held up by a small majority of our Republican colleagues, was just terrible. And there’s a lot more money coming beyond what’s already come in the other tranches that are available now that we passed the legislation. So, they’ll have what they need and get it there as quickly as we possibly can.
PRESIDENT ZELENSKYY: Thank you so much, Mr. President.
(As interpreted.) Telegraph, please.
Q Good evening. My name is Yaroslav Zharyenov of Telegraf UA. Thank you for this opportunity. I have a long way from Kyiv and have enough time to prepare such long question. (Laughter.)
Firstly, to Joe Biden. Mr. President, additional Ukraine Supplemental Appropriations Act that you signed mandated the submission of strategy war — for the — for the war in Ukraine within 45 days after its enactment.
This deadline passed on June 8th. And to now, yet, the international community has not seen this strategy. Has it been developed? And if the strategy is classified, what step does your administration plan to take to hasten Ukraine victory in the war?
It’s my first question. The second will be to the President Zelenskyy.
PRESIDENT BIDEN: What was the last part of your question?
Q Has it been developed, this strategy? And what steps does your administration plan to take to victory Ukraine in the war?
PRESIDENT BIDEN: The steps we’re going to take to make sure it has — Ukraine has victory and that Russia does not prevail is continued support — what we just signed. We signed that and a significant number of nations have signed it.
We have convinced the G7 — convinced — we’ve got the support of the G7 and, quite frankly, 48 other countries. We sat with the Prime Minister of — of Japan, South Korea. We have — 50 nations have signed up, beyond NATO and the G7.
And so, we’re going to stay as long as it takes.
With regard to the plan, that is a — that is a plan in process now. We’re discussing with our Ukrainian friends exactly what it would be. We have a lot of movement toward that. We know the outlines of it. We have not done the detail of it all. But we know what Ukraine is capable of doing when given the material to defend themselves, and that’s exactly what they’re doing now.
Q (As interpreted.) And my second ques- — second question is to President Zelenskyy. It will be in Ukrainian.
Recently, you have made a couple of — of sharp statements regarding China, and there are rumors in the press regarding the possible supplies of Russia’s weapons to China. Apart from that, China is actively promoting its own peace plan among certain countries. What are the motives of Beijing now? And would it be possible to change the vision of China regarding our war and which role the U.S. can play in this?
And the final question. Is — is China a partner of Russia in these crimes that it commits?
PRESIDENT ZELENSKYY. (Inaudible.) Too many questions. Okay. But, yes, I understood that your trip was long. (Laughter.)
So, the — so, first of all, I had phone conversation with the leader of China by phone. He said that he will not sell any weapon to Russia. (Inaudible.) We’ll see with you. We’ll see, but he said to me. If he is respectable person, he will not, because he gave me the word.
The second. Our — you know that — you know very good with details how our peace formula — it’s very open for everybody, basing on charter. Yes, (inaudible) nation. And — and you know that it — it bases on next principles — territorial integrity, sovereignty, nuclear security, food security.
If China has alternative view on it, it can prepare alternative peace formula — if we share common views on it, like with — globally, with all the world, I think so. So, if they share the same way to peace, we will find dialogue.
PRESIDENT BIDEN: By the way, China is not supplying weapons but the ability to produce those weapons and the technology available to do it. So, it is, in fact, helping Russia.
Bilateral Security Agreement Between the United States of America and Ukraine
STATEMENTS AND RELEASES
Preamble
The United States of America and Ukraine (hereinafter, the “Parties”):
Underscoring their shared commitment to a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace;
Affirming that the security of Ukraine is integral to the security of the Euro-Atlantic region;
Recognizing the need to preserve and promote Ukraine’s sovereignty, democracy, and capacity to deter and respond to current and future external threats;
Affirming their desire to expand their defense and security cooperation and their trade and investment ties, and to deepen the overall friendly relations between them;
Building on the existing security partnership with Ukraine facilitated under the Strategic Defense Framework between the United States Department of Defense and the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine, signed August 31, 2021, and the U.S.-Ukraine Charter on Strategic Partnership, signed November 10, 2021;
Recalling longstanding security cooperation between the Parties and the United States’ provision of military and security assistance, supporting Ukraine with the arms, equipment, and training necessary to defend itself against Russia’s aggression;
Welcoming Ukraine’s efforts to attain a just and sustainable peace and emphasizing the Parties’ commitment to seeking a just end to the war, founded on the principles of the United Nations (UN) Charter and a respect for the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders, extending to its territorial waters, and recognizing Ukraine’s inherent right of self-defense as enshrined in Article 51 of the UN Charter;
Reaffirming that Ukraine’s future is in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO); reiterating their support for the declaration of Allies at the 2023 Vilnius Summit that Allies will be in a position to extend an invitation to Ukraine to join the Alliance when Allies agree and conditions are met emphasizing the importance of its deepening integration into the Euro-Atlantic community; and underlining the centrality of reform to support and strengthen Ukraine’s defense, prosperity, recovery, rule of law, and democracy;
Emphasizing the importance of holding Russia to account for its aggression against Ukraine, including by supporting Ukraine in seeking compensation for the damage, loss, and injury resulting from Russia’s aggression, such as support envisaged by the Statute of the Register of Damage Caused by the Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine and holding accountable those responsible for war crimes and other international crimes committed in or against Ukraine, consistent with international law;
Highlighting the United States’ ongoing efforts to use sanctions and export controls to increase the costs to Russia for its aggression against Ukraine and to work with its partners to explore all possible avenues by which immobilized Russian sovereign assets could be made use of to support Ukraine, consistent with domestic and international law; and
Upholding the shared commitments made under the Joint Declaration of Support for Ukraine on July 12, 2023 (hereinafter “Joint Declaration of 2023”);
Have agreed to the following:
Article I: Principles of Cooperation
This Agreement is based on the following principles and beliefs shared by the Parties:
Cooperation between the Parties is based on the principle of full respect for the independence and sovereignty of each of the Parties, and full respect for obligations of the Parties under international law and for the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.
Cooperation between the Parties is enhanced by their shared commitment to democracy, the rule of law, human rights, transparency, and accountability.
Cooperation between the Parties is intended to bolster Euro-Atlantic security, stability, and prosperity by enhancing deterrence and defense integration and interoperability.
Article II: Defense and Security Cooperation
The Parties’ cooperation in the areas of defense and security is based on their shared commitment to stability and peace in Europe.
It is the policy of the Parties to work together to help deter and confront any future aggression against the territorial integrity of either Party. The security-related commitments in this Agreement are intended to support Ukraine’s efforts to win today’s war and deter future Russian military aggression. It is the policy of the United States to assist Ukraine in maintaining a credible defense and deterrence capability.
Any future aggression or threat of aggression against the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of either Party would be a matter of grave concern to the other Party.
In the event of future armed attack or threat of armed attack against Ukraine, the Parties shall, at the request of either Party and in accordance with their respective laws, immediately meet, where possible within 24 hours, at the most senior levels to determine appropriate next steps and additional defense needs. The Parties may mutually decide to develop and implement additional appropriate defense and deterrent responses, including in the economic, military, and/or political realms. Such responses may include the imposition of economic and other costs on the aggressor state through steps that may include, among other things, potential sanctions or export controls. The Parties stand ready to share available and appropriate information and intelligence immediately in response to such an event, and to consult with signatory countries of the Joint Declaration of 2023 on additional, joint responses.
In order to further strengthen the security of the Parties and stability in Europe, and to deter threats against them, the Parties agree:
To further implementation of existing security agreements and arrangements, including those concerning research and development, science and technology cooperation, manufacturing of defense products, the protection of classified defense information, and end-use monitoring.
To meet on a regular basis to further mutual awareness of emerging threats, with a view to working towards enhancing the integration of defensive systems and deterrent capacities of the Parties across all domains, and furthering Ukraine’s interoperability with NATO.
To further bolster their defense and security cooperation as a means of building a Ukrainian future force that maintains a credible defense and deterrence capability, which may include:
Training and military education programs;
Provision of defense articles and services;
Combined military maneuvers and exercises;
Increased defense industrial cooperation consistent with applicable agreements and arrangements between the Parties;
Continued joint planning to confront threats to the Parties, including guiding principles, respective rules of engagement, and command and control, as appropriate;
Cooperation to promote cybersecurity and protection of critical infrastructure;
Cooperation to develop Ukraine’s capabilities to counter Russian and any other propaganda and disinformation;
h) Cooperation to promote regional peace and security in the Black Sea;
i) Cooperation to support unexploded ordnance removal and demining; and
j) Other cooperation as may be mutually decided upon by the Parties.
To coordinate on a regular basis – and no less than annually – on military and defense matters, including defense industrial base development. This coordination shall include a particular focus on combined efforts to deter and confront threats of aggression against Ukraine.
The Parties agree to advance the appropriate sharing of intelligence and to promote enhanced cooperation between their intelligence services, with the scope and procedure of cooperation determined by their respective entities responsible for intelligence and security. The United States intends to assist with capacity building for Ukraine’s intelligence institutions, including with respect to counterintelligence capabilities.
Each Party reaffirms its commitments to comply with its obligations under international law, including the law of armed conflict.
It is the policy of the United States to support providing sustainable levels of security assistance for Ukraine in support of the objectives outlined in the Bilateral Security Agreement and associated implementation arrangements. To this end, the United States intends to seek from the United States Congress appropriation of funds to help sustain a Ukrainian credible defense and deterrent capability, in war and peace.
Article III: Cooperation on Economic Recovery and Reform
Recalling the trade and investment agreements and arrangements in place between the Parties, the Parties intend to cooperate to:
Seek opportunities to provide technical assistance and build capacity to support Ukraine’s economic needs stemming from Russia’s war of aggression.
Support recovery efforts to strengthen Ukraine’s economic stability and resilience, including by supporting Ukraine’s energy security and its vision of a modern, cleaner, more decentralized energy system that is integrated with Europe.
Strengthen the resilience and security of Ukraine’s civilian nuclear energy sector, cognizant of their collaboration under the September 21, 2023, Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Ukraine and the Government of the United States regarding Collaboration on Ukrainian Energy System Resilience.
Identify strategic investment opportunities that mutually benefit the Parties, and encourage the development of projects, including those that can attract private and public investment in Ukraine, that support Ukrainian and American economic development and partnership, such as in the areas of defense production and infrastructure.
Continue support for implementation of Ukraine’s effective reform agenda, including strengthened good governance, anti-corruption, respect for human rights, and rule of law necessary to advance towards its Euro-Atlantic aspirations.
Article IV: Institutional Reforms to Advance Euro–Atlantic Integration
The Parties shall cooperate to advance Ukraine’s democratic, economic, defense, and security institutions in order to advance Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration and modernization according to European Union (EU) and NATO democratic principles and standards, and to prioritize NATO’s shared values and the interoperability of Ukraine’s security and defense forces.
The Parties shall cooperate to advance Ukraine’s implementation of reforms to its democratic, economic, defense, and security institutions in line with its EU accession goals, NATO adapted Annual National Program priorities, and obligations and commitments under agreements and arrangements with the International Monetary Fund.
Accordingly, among other reforms, Ukraine shall undertake efforts towards:
Strengthening Ukrainian justice sector reform to promote the independence and integrity of the judiciary;
Implementing robust anti-corruption measures, including strengthening all independent state anti-corruption institutions such as the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor and the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine;
Implementing reforms in law enforcement, security, tax, and customs institutions to resolve jurisdictional issues, and to improve transparency and accountability and strengthen the rule of law;
Bolstering corporate governance to meet Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development principles in state-owned and defense enterprises to encourage foreign investor confidence and investment;
Adopting NATO standards of transparency, accountability, and competition in the management and oversight of security and procurement policy and practice;
Transforming defense planning and resource management systems to increase transparency, improve efficiency, and increase interoperability with NATO;
Reorganizing command and control structures in accordance with NATO principles to increase interoperability and ensure effective civilian oversight; and
Modernizing defense human resource management and military education systems to align with NATO principles and standards.
The Parties reaffirm their support for Ukraine’s right to choose its own security arrangements. The United States reaffirms that Ukraine’s future is in NATO.
Article V: Just Peace
The Parties recognize that Ukraine will not be secure until its sovereignty and territorial integrity are fully restored through a just peace that respects Ukraine’s rights under international law, including the UN Charter. The Parties therefore shall cooperate to advance a just and lasting peace that has broad global support. The United States welcomes Ukraine’s ongoing efforts, including through Ukraine’s Peace Formula, to engage the international community in establishing the principles of a just and sustainable peace.
Article VI: Annexes and Implementing Arrangements
The Parties may enter into further agreements or arrangements as necessary and appropriate to implement this Agreement.
The Parties intend that cooperation in the specific areas described in Articles II and III, including support for Ukraine’s Armed Forces and other security and defense forces, be implemented in accordance with the provisions of the attached annex and with any separate implementing arrangements entered into by the Parties.
Article VII: Disputes and Implementation
Any divergence in views or disputes regarding the interpretation or application of this Agreement shall be resolved only through consultation between the Parties and shall not be referred to any national or international court, tribunal, or other similar body, or any third party for settlement.
All cooperation and activities under this Agreement shall be carried out in accordance with the respective domestic laws of the Parties and shall be subject to the availability of funds.
The Parties intend for this Agreement to reinforce other agreements and arrangements that exist between the Parties. The Parties shall implement this Agreement in a manner consistent with those other agreements, and taking into account those other arrangements.
Article VIII: Amendment
This Agreement may be amended and supplemented through mutual written agreement of the Parties.
Article IX: Entry Into Force
This Agreement shall enter into force upon signature by both Parties. This Agreement shall remain in force 10 years from entry into force and may be extended by mutual written agreement of the Parties.
Article X: Registration With the United Nations
The Parties intend to register this Agreement with the United Nations in accordance with Article 102 of the UN Charter within 60 days of its entry into force.
Article XI: Termination
Either Party may terminate this Agreement by providing a written notification through diplomatic channels to the other Party of its intent to terminate this Agreement. The termination shall take effect 6 months after the date of such notification.
In this regard, although a Party may terminate this Agreement, any implementing agreement or arrangement entered into between the Parties consistent with the terms of this Agreement shall continue to remain in effect under its own terms, unless otherwise specified in the terms of the specific implementing agreement or arrangement.
The Parties recognize this Agreement as supporting a bridge to Ukraine’s eventual membership in the NATO Alliance.
In the event that Ukraine becomes a member of NATO, the Parties shall meet and confer on the future status of this Agreement.
Done at Puglia, Italy, this 13th day of June, 2024, in two originals in the English language, being an authentic version of the Agreement. A Ukrainian language version of the Agreement shall be prepared, which shall be considered equally authentic upon an exchange of diplomatic notes between the Parties confirming that the Ukrainian version of the Agreement attached to the notes conforms with the signed English version of the Agreement. Thereafter, in the event of divergence or ambiguity between the two language texts, the English version shall prevail.
President of the United States of America President of Ukraine
Annex to the Bilateral Security Agreement
Between the United States of America and Ukraine
Pursuant to Article VI of the Bilateral Security Agreement Between the United States of America and Ukraine (Agreement) and in implementation of the provisions of Articles II and III of the Agreement,
The United States of America (United States) and Ukraine (together, Participants or both sides) have reached the following understandings:
Implementation of Article II: Defense and Security Cooperation
The United States reaffirms its unwavering support for Ukraine’s defense of its sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. To ensure Ukraine’s security, both sides recognize Ukraine needs a significant military force, robust capabilities, and sustained investments in its defense industrial base that are consistent with North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) standards. The United States intends to provide long-term materiel, training and advising, sustainment, intelligence, security, defense industrial, institutional, and other support to develop Ukrainian security and defense forces that are capable of defending a sovereign, independent, democratic Ukraine and deterring future aggression.
Ukraine deeply appreciates the significant assistance the United States has provided since the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion. In addition to United States bilateral support, both sides acknowledge the critical and substantial contributions of the security assistance that other partner nations intend to provide Ukraine and the need for coordination among Ukraine’s partners to synchronize support and appropriately share the responsibility for meeting shared goals. Both sides also recognize the need for Ukraine’s security and defense forces to be sustainable over time, and expect Ukraine to gradually assume responsibility for an increasing share of its defense needs.
To implement this annex, the Participants intend to consult on security and defense forces requirements through channels such as the U.S.-Ukraine Bilateral Defense Consultations process to ensure Ukraine adopts a Western-based military standard, interoperable with NATO. Security assistance requests are expected to be evaluated for sustainability, alignment with a jointly understood future force structure, effectiveness in meeting defense objectives, and complementarity with assistance from other allies and partners.
A. Ukraine’s Future Force Capabilities
The United States commits to support Ukraine in developing a modern, NATO-interoperable force that can credibly deter and, if necessary, defend against future aggression. Ukraine’s future force is expected to rely on both modern and legacy equipment. To support the sustainability of Ukraine’s security and defense forces, both sides intend to standardize equipment across its formations.
The United States intends to support Ukraine’s military strength and the development and transformation of its military capabilities across the full spectrum of combat functions through the supply of weapons, equipment, training, and other assistance, in coordination with partners, including in the following domains:
Air and Missile Defense: Building upon the range of air defense capabilities that the United States has provided to date, including the Patriot system, the United States commits to support Ukraine’s development of a layered, integrated air and missile defense system. Both sides intend to pursue further steps to transition to a modern air defense architecture for Ukraine over time, with associated radars, interceptors, and support equipment across the spectrum of tactical- to strategic-level capabilities.
Fires: The United States commits to support Ukraine’s development of a joint fires capability, to include the acquisition of ground-based systems, munitions, and targeting capabilities to employ indirect and long-range fires, as well as unmanned aerial systems. Both sides intend to pursue the procurement of stockpiles of ammunition for Ukraine’s use, in coordination with allies and partners, while developing Ukraine’s domestic ammunition production capacity.
Ground Maneuver: The United States commits to support Ukraine’s development of movement and maneuver doctrine and capabilities, to include sustainment of legacy armored, mechanized, and motorized capabilities, and to work with allies and partners to support the acquisition of modern platforms to support Ukraine’s maneuver force requirements.
Air: The United States commits to coordinate with Ukraine, and work principally through an allied consortium, on the modernization of Ukraine’s Air Force, including working toward procurement of squadrons of modern fighter aircraft, sustainment, armament, and associated training to support fourth generation fighter capability (including, but not limited to, F-16 multi-role aircraft), as well as other air domain capabilities such as transport and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance platforms (including unmanned).
Maritime: The United States, in coordination with allies and partners, commits to support the improvement of Ukraine’s capacity to defend its territorial waters and promote Black Sea regional security through capabilities that could include coastal defense systems; maritime domain awareness; unmanned systems; and surface vessels, including patrol and riverine craft, naval firepower, maritime mine countermeasures, and other weapons that will help strengthen maritime security in the Black and Azov Seas and help Ukraine exercise sovereignty over its territorial seas and sovereign rights and jurisdiction in its exclusive economic zone.
Cybersecurity and Critical Infrastructure Protection: The United States commits to support Ukraine’s capacity to increase the cybersecurity and protection of its critical infrastructure and government information resources, including by strengthening its cyber defenses against malicious cyber activities by Russia and other hostile state and non-state actors. Both sides commit to work together to improve Ukraine’s ability to detect and remediate intrusions by malicious actors, including through technical assistance from the United States. The United States intends to assist Ukraine to improve the cyber resilience of its critical infrastructure, especially energy facilities, against aerial strikes, and to support the quick restoration of destroyed infrastructure, including by providing material and technical assistance.
Command and Control: The United States commits to support Ukraine’s development of command and control capability through both materiel and non-materiel support. Both sides recognize that incorporating NATO-interoperable communications systems, doctrine, and organization are needed to improve sensing, early warning, and timely resource allocation for Ukraine’s combat operations.
Sustainment: The United States, in coordination with allies and partners, commits to support Ukraine’s capacity to sustain and independently support its forces over the long term, maximizing its operational freedom of action. Such efforts could include support to logistics, personnel services, and health service support, in line with Western force generation models.
The United States and Ukraine intend to collaborate on force development through a range of multi-national capability coalitions, including through air force and artillery coalitions co-led by the United States.
The United States additionally commits to consideration of support for Ukraine’s civiliandefense forces, which are critical components of Ukraine’s overall defense. The United States and Ukraine commit to deepening partnerships between national guard and border security services.
In furtherance of Article II of the Agreement, in the event of future armed attack or the threat of armed attack against Ukraine, the United States, at the request of the Government of Ukraine and in consultation with allies and partners, intends to coordinate on the potential need to rapidly increase the scope or scale of United States security assistance to Ukraine, including potentially the provision of additional weapon systems and equipment, and other materiel, as well as the exchange of information with Ukraine.
B. Training and Exercises
The United States intends to pursue a long-term training program for the Ukrainian Armed Forces and other security and defense forces throughout the term of this annex. The United States plans to expand its capacity to provide both individual and collective training, and to coordinate with allies and partners to ensure complementarity of training programs. The United States intends to incorporate Ukrainian trainers and subject matter experts into the program, promote institutionalization of Western training practices and doctrine, and create the conditions for the transition of training efforts to Ukrainian territory and Ukrainian service members.
Training is intended to be supported by an extensive exercise program to build interoperability. The United States plans to invite Ukrainian security and defense forces to join United States exercises and to support Ukrainian participation in multilateral exercises when appropriate.
The United States intends to consider opportunities for training Ukrainian service members in the United States as appropriate.
If and when security conditions allow, both sides plan to consult on possible training and exercise programs in Ukraine.
In line with this training, Ukraine commits to incorporating standard NATO doctrine and combined arms concepts at all echelons of its security and defense forces, and to ensuring the proper employment and sustainment of new capabilities.
The United States supports enabling increased Ukrainian attendance at Department of Defense (DOD) institutions of professional military education, including through the International Military Education and Training program.
C. Defense Industrial Base Development Cooperation
Both sides recognize that the recovery of Ukraine’s economy and industry would support Ukraine’s ability to shoulder more of the material and financial burdens of its defense over time. The United States commits to work with allies and partners to support Ukraine’s economic recovery and bolster Ukraine’s defense industrial base, including through cooperative defense research and development. Ukraine commits to developing and reforming its defense industry to support and sustain the needs of its security and defense forces.
Both sides intend to engage with international partners and their respective defense industries to support increased Ukrainian production over the long term of necessary armaments, ammunition, and equipment, supporting Ukraine’s development of a level of readiness for and deterrence against future aggression. The United States intends to work with Ukraine to enable Ukrainian entities to repair key systems and produce parts to facilitate efficient repair through the provision of raw materials and technical expertise, financing, and licensing for technology transfer. The United States intends to support Ukraine in solving challenges, including in the supply of critical materials and components needed for weapons, military equipment, and munitions manufacturing.
Both sides commit to implementing the Statement of Intent on Co-production and Technical Data Exchange, signed December 6, 2023, at the United States-Ukraine Defense Industrial Base Conference in Washington, D.C., working to increase cooperation between the United States and Ukraine and facilitating the movement of investment deals more quickly through systems.
Ukraine commits to strengthen foreign direct investment controls based on national security considerations.
The Participants intend to seek private industry partnerships in key priority areas of defense production, including but not limited to the manufacturing of air defense systems and supporting munitions, artillery ammunition of multiple calibers, supporting barrels and other components, and manufacturing of unmanned aerial vehicles.
The United States intends to facilitate United States-Ukraine defense industrial cooperation, including codevelopment, coproduction, and supply of Ukraine’s defense industrial base requirements.
Ukraine commits to continuing its reform of state defense conglomerate JSC Ukrainian Defense Industry to align with international business best practices and Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development standards.
Both sides commit to implement their Research, Development, Testing, and Evaluation Agreement.
D. End Use Monitoring/Accountability
The United States reaffirms its commitment to work with allies and partners to facilitate international coordination to mitigate the risk of diversion of advanced conventional weapons through the U.S. Plan to Counter Illicit Diversion of Certain Advanced Conventional Weapons in Eastern Europe. This includes supporting Ukrainian, allied, and partner efforts to conduct end-use monitoring. To implement Article II of the Agreement, Ukraine further reaffirms its commitment to ensuring the security of United States-provided defense articles and technology in accordance with DOD’s Golden Sentry enhanced end-use monitoring (EEUM) requirements.
This includes:
Providing timely and comprehensive expenditure and loss reports for all EEUM items on at least a quarterly basis;
Continuing to afford United States DOD personnel maximum access and transparency in support of EEUM verification activities, including site visits to Ukrainian weapons depots, as appropriate, and full visibility into Ukrainian logistics management platforms; and
Fully implementing the concept of operations for the use of handheld scanning devices to self-report EEUM inventories at locations where United States personnel are unable to travel.
As security conditions allow, Ukraine further commits to:
Conducting a comprehensive inventory of all remaining EEUM items in Ukraine’s possession;
Providing DOD with access to military installations across Ukraine at which EEUM items are stored, to allow for the resumption of all in-person verification activities; and
Supporting future EEUM requirements the United States may identify to maintain reasonable assurances of the security of advanced conventional weapons in a postwar environment.
The Participants intend to continue the exchange of information on threats related to illicit arms proliferation.
E. Unexploded Ordnance Removal and Demining
The United States intends to coordinate with international partners to support unexploded ordnance removal and demining assistance in affected regions in Ukraine, encompassing both humanitarian and combat demining efforts. This support may include assisting civilian populations affected by landmines, explosive remnants of war, and the hazardous effects of unexploded ordnance, through developing Ukraine’s domestic capacity for humanitarian demining, land-based and underwater explosive ordnance disposal, and physical security and stockpile management of conventional munitions.
Both sides recognize the importance of a coordinated and robust demining program to Ukraine’s long-term recovery potential, due to the contamination of Ukraine’s territory with explosive ordnance as a result of Russia’s war.
F. Other Areas of Security and Defense Cooperation
The Participants intend to deepen their close cooperation on additional areas of mutual concern, in support of their national security and to enhance Ukraine’s overall interoperability with NATO and other relevant international security bodies. These additional areas include but are not limited to countering disinformation and malign influence campaigns; counterterrorism efforts against international terrorist organizations; arms control; the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction; and cooperation to strengthen resilience against chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear risks.
The Participants intend to further develop their intelligence cooperation through information sharing, education, training, experience exchanges, and other forms of cooperation as appropriate.
Implementation of Article III: Cooperation on Economic Recovery and Reform
A. Accountability
The Participants reaffirm their commitment to holding the Russian Federation to account for its actions in Ukraine, including damage, loss, and injury causedto individuals and entities, as well as to the state of Ukraine, as a result of Russia’s internationally wrongful acts in or against Ukraine, including its aggression in violation of the UN Charter.
The Participants intend to seek to hold accountable those responsible for war crimes and other international crimes committed in or against Ukraine, consistent with international law, and to support the full and fair investigation of alleged international crimes through independent, effective, and robust legal mechanisms.
The United States intends to support Ukraine in seeking the immediate release and return of all unlawfully detained and forcibly transferred civilians, primarily Ukrainian children, and to contribute to international efforts to hold accountable, consistent with international law, those responsible for the illegal deportation and displacement of Ukrainian civilians.
B. Immobilization of Russian Sovereign Assets
The United States intends to hold Russian sovereign assets in United States jurisdiction immobilized until Russia pays for the damage it has caused to Ukraine. The United States, working with its partners, intends to explore all possible avenues by which immobilized Russian sovereign assets could be made use of to support Ukraine, consistent with domestic and international law.
C. Sanctions Actions
The Participants recognize the value of sanctions in raising the cost of Russia’s war of aggression, degrading Russia’s sources of revenue, and impeding Russia’s effort to build its capability for aggression, including by restricting the Russian Federation’s access to the finance, goods, technology, and services it is utilizing in its aggression.
The Participants intend to continue to work to ensure that the costs to Russia for its aggression continue to rise, including through sanctions and export controls.
Final Provisions
A. Periodic Review
The United States and Ukraine commit to periodic, high-level review of the cooperation described in this annex. The United States supports the use of existing mechanisms, such as the Strategic Partnership Dialogue, Bilateral Defense Consultations, and other bilateral engagements, to track regular progress. Both sides support engagements at higher levels once every 12-18 months dedicated to reviewing joint progress of this annex as a whole, and to charting specific objectives for future cooperation under this annex.
This periodic review process should be used to evaluate progress on mutually decided elements of cooperation and to establish new objectives once each side has successfully achieved their mutually decided goals. Specific objectives should be established on at least an annual basis through civilian or military channels as appropriate.
B. Legal Status and Funding of Annex
Nothing in this annex is intended to give rise to rights or obligations under domestic or international law.
The United States and Ukraine intend to implement the commitments under this annex consistent with applicable law and subject to the availability of appropriated funds.
On June 13th, 2024, President Biden and Ukrainian President Zelenskyy signed a historic U.S.-Ukraine Bilateral Security Agreement reflecting the close partnership between our two democracies. Today, the United States is sending a powerful signal of our strong support for Ukraine now and into the future. Through this agreement, the United States will work with our partners to strengthen Ukraine’s ability to defend itself now and to deter future aggression. By doing so, we will bolster Ukraine’s security, which is central to European security and to American security.
More than two years after Russia’s brutal and unprovoked assault on Ukraine, today, President Biden is stating unequivocally that United States and its partners will stand with Ukraine as it fights for its freedom and for the principles enshrined in the UN Charter.
With the signing of this 10-year agreement, the United States and Ukraine will work together to:
Build and maintain Ukraine’s credible defense and deterrence capability. The agreement lays out a vision for a Ukrainian future force that is strong, sustainable, and resilient. The United States and Ukraine will deepen security and defense cooperation and collaborating closely with Ukraine’s broad network of security partners. We will support the full range of Ukraine’s current defensive needs now and over the long term by helping Ukraine win the war and strengthening its deterrence capabilities against future threats. Together, we will expand intelligence sharing, enhance interoperability between our militaries in line with NATO standards, and work with our allies and partners to position Ukraine as a long-term contributor to European security.
Strengthen Ukraine’s capacity to sustain its fight over the long term, including by building on efforts to bolster in Ukraine’s defense industrial base, and supporting its economic recovery and energy security.
Accelerate Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration, including through Ukraine’s implementation of reforms to its democratic, economic, and security institutions in line with its EU accession goals and NATO’s program of reforms.
Achieve a just peace that respects Ukraine’s rights under international law, is underwritten by broad global support, upholds the key principles of the UN Charter, including sovereignty and territorial integrity, and includes accountability for Russia’s actions.
Consult in the event of a future Russian armed attack against Ukraine at the highest levels to determine appropriate and necessary measures to support Ukraine and impose costs on Russia.
This agreement, together with the mutually reinforcing security agreements and arrangements Ukraine has signed with a broad network of partners under the G7 Joint Declaration of Support for Ukraine, is a key part of Ukraine’s bridge to NATO membership. As President Biden said in Vilnius last year and as NATO allies have agreed, Ukraine’s future is in NATO. We are not waiting for the NATO process to be completed to make long-term commitments to Ukraine’s security to address the immediate threats they face and deter any aggression that may occur.
The United States will continue to work a broad coalition of Allies and Partners to continue to impose costs on the Russian Federation so long as its aggression against Ukraine continues.
In 2024, the United States Congress appropriated $61 billion to respond to the war in Ukraine in a bipartisan show of support for Ukraine. To realize the goals laid out in this agreement and accompanying annex, the Biden Administration will work closely with the U.S. Congress to build on the national security supplemental and develop sustainable levels of assistance to Ukraine over the long term. We will continue to with our allies and partners, including the 15 other countries that have already completed their own bilateral security agreements and the 16 additional countries that are negotiating agreements with Ukraine, to maintain a balanced division of responsibility and burden-sharing to meet the necessary capabilities for Ukraine’s future force.
We are sending the clearest possible message today: the United States stands with the people of Ukraine as they defend their freedom and democracy. Ukraine can count on the enduring strength of the U.S.-Ukrainian partnership.
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JUNE 13, 2024
Remarks by President Biden During Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment Event | Savelletri, Italy
Borgo Egnazia
Savelletri, Italy
5:46 P.M. CEST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. Hello, everyone.
You may have heard me say this before, but I think we stand at an inflection point in history that occurs every five or six or seven generations. And the decisions, I think, we make now are going to determine the course of our future for the next five or six decades.
And I truly believe the infrastructure we’re building with the investments we’re making through PGI are going to help that set that course on a fundamentally stronger path than otherwise would be the case.
Just look at the progress we’ve made over the past — over the last year. The Lobito Corridor in sub-Saharan Africa. We’ve mobilized $33 billion for clean energy projects, which will bring electricity — clean electricity to 1.5 million families who had no access to it before. We’ve broken ground on a new data center in Ghana and announced another in Kenya. We’re laying fiber-optic cables to support secure and affordable and reliable connectivity. And we’re developing the first railway line to extend from Angola to — to DRC, Zambia to the Indian Ocean.
I think this is a gamechanger. I really do. That economy is going to have over two — billions of people very shortly. And it really is a gamechanger.
We’re already seeing goods that normally take up to 45 days to transport now taking only 40 — 40 hours. And think of the transforma- — transformative — how transformative this is for trade, agribusiness, farming, food security as a whole.
I want to thank the Prime Minister, Meloni, for partnering with us and the EU on this project.
I also want to thank President Kishida — Prime Minister Kishida, I should say. I just demoted him. (Laughter.)
In April, we both came together with President Marcos to launch the Luzon Economic Corridor in the Philippines. It’s happening in the Pacific as well. And already, we’ve mobilized capital for sectors that are critical to our future: clean energy, agriculture, semiconductors, and so much more.
All told, I’m proud to announce the United States has mobilized more than $60 billion in investments around the world thus far. That’s double where we were last year.
Now, we’ve still got a long way to go to close the infrastructure gap that holds too many countries back. But together, I think we’re showing that democracies can deliver. This is an important moment to be able to do that.
And the — and when you’re that — when you focus on people, transparency, and high standards, on quality and sustainability, it doesn’t inhibit investment, it attracts investment.
I got criticized at home for asking: When the federal government invests in something, does that discourage or encourage the private sector to invest? Ninety-six percent of the people asked said it encourages investment, not discourages investment. It attracts investment.
And people around this table are proving that, I would argue. That includes Mr. Fink — I ca- — call you Larry; I’m calling you Mr. Fink — but we go back a long way — BlackRock and Mr. Ma- — Mr. Nadella of Microsoft, an outfit that we know well at home. (Laughs.)
Today, BlackRock and other partners are committing to invest at least $4 billion — $4 billion — toward infrastructure projects that align with our PGI priorities. And Microsoft — Microsoft recently announced $5 billion investment into digital infrastructure, including $1 billion for a data center in Kenya. That’s a really big deal.
This is because the G7 and our partners created opportunities for sound investments in infrastructure.
And we mobilized our own capital and created efficient ways to de-risk projects so the private sector could get on board more easily. And you are getting on board, and it’s not just U.S. companies.
So, let me close with this. During the G7 summit, we’re addressing a range of issues: clean energy, economic development, global security, food security, orderly migration, digital connectivity. And infrastructure is central to our progress across all these challenges — every one of them.
I remember when I introduced the infrastructure bill at home, they said we couldn’t get it done. It was only a trillion 300 billion dollars, but we got it passed. And it’s really having an impact on development at home. But this is bigger than that, in a sense. It’s — we’re talking about the world.
So, today, we began PGI’s third year. And I would strongly hope we can keep up the momentum. Let’s keep finding opportunities to invest in quality physical, digital, and energy infrastructure. Let’s keep partnering with each other and the private sector, with the World Bank, with countries around the world to mobilize even more capital.
To go from billions — we have to get to the trillions that are needed, and that’s what’s going to be needed to close this infrastructure gap.
And at this inflection point, let’s keep forging a better future together, because I’m confident we can do it. I know I get accused of being overly optimistic, but I am confident this could be a significant, significant breakthrough.
And I thank you again for your partnership, your leadership.
FACT SHEET: Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment at the G7 Summit
STATEMENTS AND RELEASES
At the 2024 G7 Summit in Fasano, Italy, during the PGI Leader Forum co-hosted by the G7 Presidency and the United States, President Biden and G7 Leaders affirmed their commitment to accelerating sustainable infrastructure investment through the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGI), the G7’s flagship infrastructure and investment initiative. This marked the third consecutive G7 side event on PGI since the G7 Leaders launched the initiative in 2022 at Elmau.
During the Fasano Summit, President Biden announced historic progress made on his commitment to PGI while joined by other G7 Leaders, World Bank President Ajay Banga, the Chairman and CEO of BlackRock Larry Fink, and the Chairman and CEO of Microsoft Satya Nadella. President Biden and other Leaders reaffirmed their commitment to unlocking public and private capital for projects by de-risking and driving layered investment across sectors in partner countries. Additionally, the Leaders discussed how PGI connects and energizes like‑minded countries, the private sector, multilateral development banks, and development finance institutions to drive sustainable and transparent investment in quality infrastructure.
To date, the United States has mobilized more than $60 billion towards PGI investments through federal financing, grants, and leveraged private sector investments over the last three years, doubling contributions announced at last year’s G7 Summit. We will continue to ramp up investments to work towards the goal of mobilizing $200 billion by 2027, as part of the broader G7 target of $600 billion by 2027.
The United States has made historic progress on its commitment to PGI, including supporting the launch of new initiatives with investors and other partners who collectively have over $30 billion in capital to be deployed in emerging market infrastructure investments in the coming years. This includes: (click to view detail)
G7 Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment Side Event Co-Chair Statement
STATEMENTS AND RELEASES
The President of the Council of Ministers of Italy and G7 President, Giorgia Meloni, and the President of the United States, Joseph R. Biden, met with the other Leaders of the G7 and Italian and U.S. private sector representing the financial, energy and digital/technology sectors on the sidelines of the 2024 G7 Leaders’ Summit on June 13th, in Borgo Egnazia, Italy.
The Italian and U.S. co-chairs welcomed Italy’s Mattei Plan for Africa (MPA) and its links with the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII). As a G7 we agreed to support flagship projects to develop transformative economic corridors for quality infrastructure and investment, such as the deepening of our coordination and financing for the Lobito Corridor, Luzon Corridor, the Middle Corridor, and the India – Middle East – Europe Economic Corridor, also building on the EU Global Gateway and other relevant initiatives.
In support of the G7’s Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII) topline goal of mobilizing $600 billion in infrastructure investment in emerging economies, a coalition of U.S. investors highlighted and committed anew billions of dollars in private investment in scaled infrastructure in emerging markets, aligned with PGII priorities. The Italian Private Sector highlighted its investments in the framework of the PGII and the Mattei Plan for Africa. In the context of this engagement, the Mattei Plan for Africa has launched new financial instruments in collaboration with the African Development Bank, open to international partners’ contributions. The meeting confirmed the commitment to launching and scaling investments around PGII economic corridors globally, including corridors in Asia, Africa, and one connecting Europe to Asia through the Middle East, noting appreciation for the wide range of current and future investment by private companies in strategic sectors, such as finance for green energy and digitalization.
Today, Italy joined U.S. and EU efforts to promote sustainable development along the Lobito Corridor – committing to strengthen collaboration and mobilize an additional aggregate contribution of up to $320 million in investment in support of the core rail infrastructure and of the related side projects, with a view to additionally creating synergies with AGIA (Alliance for Green Infrastructure in Africa).
The Co-chairs welcomed Italy’s renewed commitment to boost development in Africa including by deepening partnerships with African Nations through its Mattei Plan for Africa (MPA), and stressed their commitment to increase coordination between PGII, MPA and the EU’s Global Gateway, to maximize our collective impact as we work to develop transformative economic corridors in Africa.
The Co-chairs welcomed the Africa Green Industrialization Initiative (AGII) as a key platform for collaboration on infrastructure investment in Africa and celebrated the Global Energy Alliance for People and Planet (GEAPP) commitment of up to $100 million in philanthropic catalytic investment capital to unlock an additional $1 billion in private finance. The participants also recognized GEAPP as one of the key partners in implementing distributed renewable energy generation, battery storage, and e-mobility projects.
Italy and the United States are further collaborating on clean energy, sustainable agriculture, and e-mobility projects, starting with potential projects in Kenya.
Lastly, Leaders welcomed Italy’s G7 Presidency’s efforts to promote effective implementation of PGII and enhance investment coordination with partners through the establishment of a new Secretariat.
Sources: White House, G7 2024 Italia, Youtube, The Independent, AP, AFP, VA, WION, ANI NEWS, Global News, Fox News, MBC, Wikipedia Skynews, DW, Firstpost,CNN News18,ABC,YAHOO, GOOGLE : catch4all.com, Sandra Englund June 15, 2024, Rev. June 16, 2024
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