9:11
P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of
Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:
Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President
shall give to Congress information about the state of our union.
For 220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They've done
so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they've done
so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife
and great struggle.
It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our
progress was inevitable -- that America was always destined to
succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run, and the
Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt.
When the market crashed on Black Tuesday, and civil rights marchers
were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain.
These were the times that tested the courage of our convictions,
and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and
disagreements, our hesitations and our fears, America prevailed
because we chose to move forward as one nation, as one people.
Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.
One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by
a severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse,
and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political
spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second
depression. So we acted -- immediately and aggressively. And one
year later, the worst of the storm has passed.
But the devastation remains. One in 10 Americans still cannot
find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined.
Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard.
And for those who'd already known poverty, life has become that
much harder.
This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's
families have been dealing with for decades -- the burden of working
harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to
retire or help kids with college.
So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're
not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These
struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart,
Indiana; Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters
that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written
by children -- asking why they have to move from their home, asking
when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.
For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast
enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand
why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded, but
hard work on Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable
or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They're tired of the
partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we
can't afford it. Not now.
So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American
people hope -- what they deserve -- is for all of us, Democrats
and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome
the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent
us here have different backgrounds, different stories, different
beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations
they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills; a chance to get
ahead; most of all, the ability to give their children a better
life.
You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience
in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years
in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids,
starting businesses and going back to school. They're coaching
Little League and helping their neighbors. One woman wrote to
me and said, "We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged."
It's because of this spirit -- this great decency and great strength
-- that I have never been more hopeful about America's future
than I am tonight. (Applause.) Despite our hardships, our union
is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow
fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it's
time the American people get a government that matches their decency;
that embodies their strength. (Applause.)
And tonight, tonight I'd like to talk about how together we can
deliver on that promise.
It begins with our economy.
Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same
banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And
if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans,
and everybody in between, it's that we all hated the bank bailout.
I hated it -- (applause.) I hated it. You hated it. It was about
as popular as a root canal. (Laughter.)
But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what
was popular -- I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed
the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double
what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed.
More homes would have surely been lost.
So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the
financial rescue program. And when we took that program over,
we made it more transparent and more accountable. And as a result,
the markets are now stabilized, and we've recovered most of the
money we spent on the banks. (Applause.) Most but not all. To
recover the rest, I've proposed a fee on the biggest banks. (Applause.)
Now, I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea. But if these
firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford
a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their
time of need. (Applause.)
Now, as we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps
to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible,
and help Americans who had become unemployed.
That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for
more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65 percent
cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and
passed 25 different tax cuts.
Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95 percent
of working families. (Applause.) We cut taxes for small businesses.
We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents
trying to care for their children. We cut taxes for 8 million
Americans paying for college. (Applause.)
I thought I'd get some applause on that one. (Laughter and applause.)
As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas and
food and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep
more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime
on a single person. Not a single dime. (Applause.)
Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans
working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. (Applause.)
Two hundred thousand work in construction and clean energy; 300,000
are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are
cops, firefighters, correctional officers, first responders. (Applause.)
And we're on track to add another one and a half million jobs
to this total by the end of the year.
The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts
to the jobs, is the Recovery Act. (Applause.) That's right --
the Recovery Act, also known as the stimulus bill. (Applause.)
Economists on the left and the right say this bill has helped
save jobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to take their
word for it. Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple
its workforce because of the Recovery Act. Talk to the window
manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical
about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts
just because of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher
raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week
of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid
off after all.
There are stories like this all across America. And after two
years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds
have started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are
beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire
again.
But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories,
of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where
their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week
after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must
be our number-one focus in 2010, and that's why I'm calling for
a new jobs bill tonight. (Applause.)
Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always
be America's businesses. (Applause.) But government can create
the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more
workers.
We should start where most new jobs do -- in small businesses,
companies that begin when -- (applause) -- companies that begin
when an entrepreneur -- when an entrepreneur takes a chance on
a dream, or a worker decides it's time she became her own boss.
Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered
the recession and they're ready to grow. But when you talk to
small businessowners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania, or
Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street
are lending again, they're mostly lending to bigger companies.
Financing remains difficult for small businessowners across the
country, even those that are making a profit.
So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money
Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks
give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. (Applause.)
I'm also proposing a new small business tax credit
-- one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire
new workers or raise wages. (Applause.) While we're at it, let's
also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment,
and provide a tax incentive for all large businesses and all small
businesses to invest in new plants and equipment. (Applause.)
Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure
of tomorrow. (Applause.) From the first railroads to the Interstate
Highway System, our nation has always been built to compete. There's
no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the
new factories that manufacture clean energy products.
Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break
ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act.
(Applause.) There are projects like that all across this country
that will create jobs and help move our nation's goods, services,
and information. (Applause.)
We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities
-- (applause) -- and give rebates to Americans who make their
homes more energy-efficient, which supports clean energy jobs.
(Applause.) And to encourage these and other businesses to stay
within our borders, it is time to finally slash the tax breaks
for companies that ship our jobs overseas, and give those tax
breaks to companies that create jobs right here in the United
States of America. (Applause.)
Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these
steps. (Applause.) As the first order of business this year, I
urge the Senate to do the same, and I know they will. (Applause.)
They will. (Applause.) People are out of work. They're hurting.
They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without
delay. (Applause.)
But the truth is, these steps won't make up for the seven million
jobs that we've lost over the last two years. The only way to
move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term
economic growth, and finally address the problems that America's
families have confronted for years.
We can't afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the
one from the last decade -- what some call the "lost decade" --
where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where
the income of the average American household declined while the
cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity
was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.
From the day I took office, I've been told that addressing our
larger challenges is too ambitious; such an effort would be too
contentious. I've been told that our political system is too gridlocked,
and that we should just put things on hold for a while.
For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How
long should we wait? How long should America put its future on
hold? (Applause.)
You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even
as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China is not waiting
to revamp its economy. Germany is not waiting. India is not waiting.
These nations -- they're not standing still. These nations aren't
playing for second place. They're putting more emphasis on math
and science. They're rebuilding their infrastructure. They're
making serious investments in clean energy because they want those
jobs. Well, I do not accept second place for the United States
of America. (Applause.)
As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the
debates may become, it's time to get serious about fixing the
problems that are hampering our growth.
Now, one place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am
not interested in punishing banks. I'm interested in protecting
our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible
for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels
the savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But
that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness
that nearly brought down our entire economy.
We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have
the information they need to make financial decisions. (Applause.)
We can't allow financial institutions, including those that take
your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy.
Now, the House has already passed financial reform with many of
these changes. (Applause.) And the lobbyists are trying to kill
it. But we cannot let them win this fight. (Applause.) And if
the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real
reform, I will send it back until we get it right. We've got to
get it right. (Applause.)
Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we
made the largest investment in basic research funding in history
-- (applause) -- an investment that could lead to the world's
cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but
leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such
innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year's
investments in clean energy -- in the North Carolina company that
will create 1,200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries;
or in the California business that will put a thousand people
to work making solar panels.
But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production,
more efficiency, more incentives. And that means building a new
generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country.
(Applause.) It means making tough decisions about opening new
offshore areas for oil and gas development. (Applause.) It means
continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies.
(Applause.) And, yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy
and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean
energy the profitable kind of energy in America. (Applause.)
I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year.
(Applause.) And this year I'm eager to help advance the bipartisan
effort in the Senate. (Applause.)
I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such
changes in a tough economy. I know that there are those who disagree
with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But
here's the thing -- even if you doubt the evidence, providing
incentives for energy-efficiency and clean energy are the right
thing to do for our future -- because the nation that leads the
clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global
economy. And America must be that nation. (Applause.)
Third, we need to export more of our goods. (Applause.) Because
the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more
jobs we support right here in America. (Applause.) So tonight,
we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five
years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America.
(Applause.) To help meet this goal, we're launching a National
Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses
increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent
with national security. (Applause.)
We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors
are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign
trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores.
(Applause.) But realizing those benefits also means enforcing
those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. (Applause.)
And that's why we'll continue to shape a Doha trade agreement
that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade
relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea and Panama
and Colombia. (Applause.)
Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people.
(Applause.)
Now, this year, we've broken through the stalemate between left
and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools.
And the idea here is simple: Instead of rewarding failure, we
only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only
invest in reform -- reform that raises student achievement; inspires
students to excel in math and science; and turns around failing
schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from
rural communities to the inner city. In the 21st century, the
best anti-poverty program around is a world-class education. (Applause.)
And in this country, the success of our children cannot depend
more on where they live than on their potential.
When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will
work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 states. Still,
in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a
good job. That's why I urge the Senate to follow the House and
pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which
are a career pathway to the children of so many working families.
(Applause.)
To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the
unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans.
(Applause.) Instead, let's take that money and give families a
$10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell
Grants. (Applause.) And let's tell another one million students
that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10
percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt
will be forgiven after 20 years -- and forgiven after 10 years
if they choose a career in public service, because in the United
States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to
go to college. (Applause.)
And by the way, it's time for colleges and universities to get
serious about cutting their own costs -- (applause) -- because
they, too, have a responsibility to help solve this problem.
Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing
the middle class. That's why last year I asked Vice President
Biden to chair a task force on middle-class families. That's why
we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it
easier to save for retirement by giving access to every worker
a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who
start a nest egg. That's why we're working to lift the value of
a family's single largest investment -- their home. The steps
we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed
millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average
of $1,500 on mortgage payments.
This year, we will step up refinancing so that homeowners can
move into more affordable
mortgages. (Applause.) And it is precisely to relieve the burden
on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform.
(Applause.) Yes, we do. (Applause.)
Now, let's clear a few things up. (Laughter.) I didn't choose
to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my
belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn't take
on health care because it was good politics. (Laughter.) I took
on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans
with preexisting conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage;
patients who've been denied coverage; families -- even those with
insurance -- who are just one illness away from financial ruin.
After nearly a century of trying -- Democratic administrations,
Republican administrations -- we are closer than ever to bringing
more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach
we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices
of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and
uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care
plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance
plan to cover preventive care.
And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle
Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle
the epidemic of childhood obesity and make kids healthier. (Applause.)
Thank you. She gets embarrassed. (Laughter.)
Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance
to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and
premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according
to the Congressional Budget Office -- the independent organization
that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress
-- our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1
trillion over the next two decades. (Applause.)
Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated,
the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame
for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And
I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, the process
left most Americans wondering, "What's in it for me?"
But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm
finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their
health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit
will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care
they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage
altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither
should the people in this chamber. (Applause.)
So, as temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look
at the plan we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors,
nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider
this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone
from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums,
bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare
for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. (Applause.)
Let me know. Let me know. (Applause.) I'm eager to see it.
Here's what I ask Congress, though: Don't walk away from reform.
Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together
and finish the job for the American people. (Applause.) Let's
get it done. Let's get it done. (Applause.)
Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's
not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we
find ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much
harder to solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political
posturing. So let me start the discussion of government spending
by setting the record straight.
At the beginning of the last decade, the year 2000, America had
a budget surplus of over $200 billion. (Applause.) By the time
I took office, we had a one-year deficit of over $1 trillion and
projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of
this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts,
and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the
effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget.
All this was before I walked in the door. (Laughter and applause.)
Now -- just stating the facts. Now, if we had taken office in
ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start
bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis. And
our efforts to prevent a second depression have added another
$1 trillion to our national debt. That, too, is a fact.
I'm absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families
across the country are tightening their belts and making tough
decisions. The federal government should do the same. (Applause.)
So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay for the trillion
dollars that it took to rescue the economy last year.
Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending
for three years. (Applause.) Spending related to our national
security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be
affected. But all other discretionary government programs will.
Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to
invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't. And if I have
to enforce this discipline by veto, I will. (Applause.)
We will continue to go through the budget, line by line, page
by page, to eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't
work. We've already identified $20 billion in savings for next
year. To help working families, we'll extend our middle-class
tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue
tax cuts for oil companies, for investment fund managers, and
for those making over $250,000 a year. We just can't afford it.
(Applause.)
Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we'll still
face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly,
the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue
to skyrocket. That's why I've called for a bipartisan fiscal commission,
modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent
Conrad. (Applause.) This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks
that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The commission will
have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline.
Now, yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created
this commission. So I'll issue an executive order that will allow
us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to
another generation of Americans. (Applause.) And when the vote
comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law
that was a big reason for why we had record surpluses in the 1990s.
(Applause.)
Now, I know that some in my own party will argue that we can't
address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many
are still hurting. And I agree -- which is why this freeze won't
take effect until next year -- (laughter) -- when the economy
is stronger. That's how budgeting works. (Laughter and applause.)
But understand -- understand if we don't take meaningful steps
to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the
cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery -- all of which
would have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes.
From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument
-- that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend
tax cuts including those for the wealthier Americans, eliminate
more regulations, maintain the status quo on health care, our
deficits will go away. The problem is that's what we did for eight
years. (Applause.) That's what helped us into this crisis. It's
what helped lead to these deficits. We can't do it again.
Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington
for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in our
people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our
responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common
sense. (Laughter.) A novel concept.
To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit
of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust -- deep and corrosive
doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years.
To close that credibility gap we have to take action on both ends
of Pennsylvania Avenue -- to end the outsized influence of lobbyists;
to do our work openly; to give our people the government they
deserve. (Applause.)
That's what I came to Washington to do. That's why -- for the
first time in history -- my administration posts on our White
House visitors online. That's why we've excluded lobbyists from
policymaking jobs, or seats on federal boards and commissions.
But we can't stop there. It's time to require lobbyists to disclose
each contact they make on behalf of a client with my administration
or with Congress. It's time to put strict limits on the contributions
that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office.
With all due deference to separation of powers, last week the
Supreme Court reversed a century of law that I believe will open
the floodgates for special interests -- including foreign corporations
-- to spend without limit in our elections. (Applause.) I don't
think American elections should be bankrolled by America's most
powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. (Applause.)
They should be decided by the American people. And I'd urge Democrats
and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to correct some of these
problems.
I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark
reform. Applause.) Democrats and Republicans. (Applause.) Democrats
and Republicans. You've trimmed some of this spending, you've
embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust
demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some
earmark requests online. (Applause.) Tonight, I'm calling on Congress
to publish all earmark requests on a single Web site before there's
a vote, so that the American people can see how their money is
being spent. (Applause.)
Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't
also reform how we work with one another. Now, I'm not naïve.
I never thought that the mere fact of my election would usher
in peace and harmony -- (laughter) -- and some post-partisan era.
I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched.
And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences
that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements, about
the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities
and our national security, they've been taking place for over
200 years. They're the very essence of our democracy.
But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where
every day is Election Day. We can't wage a perpetual campaign
where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing
headlines about the other side -- a belief that if you lose, I
win. Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill
just because they can. The confirmation of -- (applause) -- I'm
speaking to both parties now. The confirmation of well-qualified
public servants shouldn't be held hostage to the pet projects
or grudges of a few individual senators. (Applause.)
Washington may think that saying anything about the other side,
no matter how false, no matter how malicious, is just part of
the game. But it's precisely such politics that has stopped either
party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it's sowing
further division among our citizens, further distrust in our government.
So, no, I will not give up on trying to change the tone of our
politics. I know it's an election year. And after last week, it's
clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But
we still need to govern.
To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest
majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve problems,
not run for the hills. (Applause.) And if the Republican leadership
is going to insist that 60 votes in the Senate are required to
do any business at all in this town -- a supermajority -- then
the responsibility to govern is now yours as well. (Applause.)
Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics,
but it's not leadership. We were sent here to serve our citizens,
not our ambitions. (Applause.) So let's show the American people
that we can do it together. (Applause.)
This week, I'll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans.
I'd like to begin monthly meetings with both Democratic and Republican
leadership. I know you can't wait. (Laughter.)
Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more
than our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11
has dissipated. We can argue all we want about who's to blame
for this, but I'm not interested in re-litigating the past. I
know that all of us love this country. All of us are committed
to its defense. So let's put aside the schoolyard taunts about
who's tough. Let's reject the false choice between protecting
our people and upholding our values. Let's leave behind the fear
and division, and do what it takes to defend our nation and forge
a more hopeful future -- for America and for the world. (Applause.)
That's the work we began last year. Since the day I took office,
we've renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation.
We've made substantial investments in our homeland security and
disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We are
filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack,
with better airline security and swifter action on our intelligence.
We've prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the
Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the last
year, hundreds of al Qaeda's fighters and affiliates, including
many senior leaders, have been captured or killed -- far more
than in 2008.
And in Afghanistan, we're increasing our troops and training Afghan
security forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of
2011, and our troops can begin to come home. (Applause.) We will
reward good governance, work to reduce corruption, and support
the rights of all Afghans -- men and women alike. (Applause.)
We're joined by allies and partners who have increased their own
commitments, and who will come together tomorrow in London to
reaffirm our common purpose. There will be difficult days ahead.
But I am absolutely confident we will succeed.
As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq
to its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this
war, and that is what I am doing as President. We will have all
of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. (Applause.)
We will support the Iraqi government -- we will support the Iraqi
government as they hold elections, and we will continue to partner
with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity.
But make no mistake: This war is ending, and all of our troops
are coming home. (Applause.)
Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform -- in Iraq, in Afghanistan,
and around the world -- they have to know that we -- that they
have our respect, our gratitude, our full support. And just as
they must have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility
to support them when they come home. (Applause.) That's why we
made the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades
-- last year. (Applause.) That's why we're building a 21st century
VA. And that's why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge
a national commitment to support military families. (Applause.)
Now, even as we prosecute two wars, we're also confronting perhaps
the greatest danger to the American people -- the threat of nuclear
weapons. I've embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald
Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons
and seeks a world without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers,
while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and Russia are
completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control
treaty in nearly two decades. (Applause.) And at April's Nuclear
Security Summit, we will bring 44 nations together here in Washington,
D.C. behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear materials
around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the
hands of terrorists. (Applause.)
Now, these diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand
in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international
agreements in pursuit of nuclear weapons. That's why North Korea
now faces increased isolation, and stronger sanctions -- sanctions
that are being vigorously enforced. That's why the international
community is more united, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is
more isolated. And as Iran's leaders continue to ignore their
obligations, there should be no doubt: They, too, will face growing
consequences. That is a promise. (Applause.)
That's the leadership that we are providing -- engagement that
advances the common security and prosperity of all people. We're
working through the G20 to sustain a lasting global recovery.
We're working with Muslim communities around the world to promote
science and education and innovation. We have gone from a bystander
to a leader in the fight against climate change. We're helping
developing countries to feed themselves, and continuing the fight
against HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new initiative that will
give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively to
bioterrorism or an infectious disease -- a plan that will counter
threats at home and strengthen public health abroad.
As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because
our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also
do it because it is right. That's why, as we meet here tonight,
over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the
people of Haiti recover and rebuild. (Applause.) That's why we
stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan;
why we support the human rights of the women marching through
the streets of Iran; why we advocate for the young man denied
a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on
the side of freedom and human dignity. (Applause.) Always. (Applause.)
Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been
our ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible
diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution:
the notion that we're all created equal; that no matter who you
are or what you look like, if you abide by the law you should
be protected by it; if you adhere to our common values you should
be treated no different than anyone else.
We must continually renew this promise. My administration has
a Civil Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights
violations and employment discrimination. (Applause.) We finally
strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate.
(Applause.) This year, I will work with Congress and our military
to finally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right
to serve the country they love because of who they are. (Applause.)
It's the right thing to do. (Applause.)
We're going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws -- so
that women get equal pay for an equal day's work. (Applause.)
And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration
system -- to secure our borders and enforce our laws, and ensure
that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our economy
and enrich our nation. (Applause.)
In the end, it's our ideals, our values that built America --
values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants
from every corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens
still. Every day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their
families and their employers. Time and again, they lend a hand
to their neighbors and give back to their country. They take pride
in their labor, and are generous in spirit. These aren't Republican
values or Democratic values that they're living by; business values
or labor values. They're American values.
Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our
biggest institutions -- our corporations, our media, and, yes,
our government -- still reflect these same values. Each of these
institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important
work that helps our country prosper. But each time a CEO rewards
himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for
his own selfish gain, people's doubts grow. Each time lobbyists
game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of
lifting this country up, we lose faith. The more that TV pundits
reduce serious debates to silly arguments, big issues into sound
bites, our citizens turn away.
No wonder there's so much cynicism out there. No wonder there's
so much disappointment.
I campaigned on the promise of change -- change we can believe
in, the slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans
who aren't sure if they still believe we can change -- or that
I can deliver it.
But remember this -- I never suggested that change would be easy,
or that I could do it alone. Democracy in a nation of 300 million
people can be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try
to do big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy.
That's just how it is.
Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing
it safe and avoid telling hard truths and pointing fingers. We
can do what's necessary to keep our poll numbers high, and get
through the next election instead of doing what's best for the
next generation.
But I also know this: If people had made that decision 50 years
ago, or 100 years ago, or 200 years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight.
The only reason we are here is because generations of Americans
were unafraid to do what was hard; to do what was needed even
when success was uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream
of this nation alive for their children and their grandchildren.
Our administration has had some political setbacks this year,
and some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing
that they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all
across this country have faced this year. And what keeps me going
-- what keeps me fighting -- is that despite all these setbacks,
that spirit of determination and optimism, that fundamental decency
that has always been at the core of the American people, that
lives on.
It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to
me of his company, "None of us," he said, "…are willing to consider,
even slightly, that we might fail."
It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her
neighbors have felt the pain of recession, "We are strong. We
are resilient. We are American."
It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana, who just sent
me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of
Haiti.
And it lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything
to go someplace they've never been and pull people they've never
known from the rubble, prompting chants of "U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A!"
when another life was saved.
The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries
lives on in you, its people. We have finished a difficult year.
We have come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come.
A new decade stretches before us. We don't quit. I don't quit.
(Applause.) Let's seize this moment -- to start anew, to carry
the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more. (Applause.)
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
(Applause.)
END
10:20 P.M. EST
Sources:
The White House
Youtube
C-SPAN
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catch4all.com,
Sandra Englund, January 29th, 2010 |
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